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Water

Water Abuse

Water Abuse.
Water is a vital to all human life, but people don’t know how they should limit their use of it, how their actions affect the purity of it, or how restricted water actually is. They do not know how to take care of water, or their environment. They need to realize that water should not be carelessly used for leisure. Also, recognize that they pollute their own water supply with chemicals and trash, and they do not seem to understand that there is a limited supply of water. Americans do not comprehend the actual meaning of water abuse, and how it applies to them.
The abuse of water is going to revolve around how much American over use and waste it. People aren’t concerned or aware of the scarcity of water because they don’t see how it affects them directly. According to Karen Bouwer, in her essay “Women and Water”, the average “…use in the United States is 176 gallons per person per day. ” (Bouwer 319) More than half of that percentage only includes bathing and flushing the toilet. While on the contrary, African nations “…average 10 gallons” per person per day if they are lucky. Americans probably would not be able to function without being able to use water whenever they may please.
Although this may seem like something that can be fixed, the water pollution human’s cause put even more restrictions on water. Most people are aware that their trash ends up in the middle of the ocean, while some others are clueless. Some may not see how where “the trash man” drops their trash is of importance. But the reality is that most of the things that people put into their trash cans never decompose, or can take over 10 years to do so. The one thing that all Americans use everyday at some point of the day never decomposes is plastic.

Over fifteen percent of all plastic made, ends up in the ocean. A majority of that fifteen percent ends up on the ocean floor. (Reuse It) For example, in San Antonio, “…park personnel haul off more than 600,000 pounds of trash” (Harte 164) Plastic can over power the United States ocean water, which is one thing that puts limitations on water. Human’s thinks that water is somewhat endless because of what they learned in school, the water cycle. With the key terms condensation, evaporation, and precipitation Americans get the idea that water is always going to be in rotation.
In reality, Americans are right water is in rotation, but all of that water is not usable. Yes, the water that humans drink and shower with does partially come from ground water, but people don’t understand how much water they actually have to use. Barely one percent of the water in the entire world is actually fresh and usable. That one percent is the only water that is clean enough to be considered usable by all Americans, which seems almost impossible to comprehend. Humans constantly use water and let it run without thinking. How would Americans react if they didn’t have access to clean water anymore?
They need to realize we do have an unlimited access. Americans should be aware that they are privileged to have virtually unlimited access to water. But most Americans seem to take advantage of this source, which ultimately affects everyone in the long run. Humans do not know how to limit their use of water because they’ve never had to so. These water abusers must be informed of their actions so that things can change. People need to start put limitations on how much they use water and make sure its 100% necessary to have it running.
As well as, more American need to start recycling; the plastic doesn’t only affect humans, but marine animals also. Americans have to realize that the water that we currently have is all that we have. Work Cited “Water Facts. ” The Water Information Program. 5 September 2012. Online Bouwer, Karen. “Women and Water. ” The Water and Culture Reader. Southlake: Fountainhead,2011. 319-322. Print “Use and Toss Plastic Bottle Facts”. ReUseIt. 6 September 2012. Online Harte, Alexis. “San Antonio: A City Guided By Its River. ” The Water and Culture Reader. Southlake: Fountainhead, 2011. 161-163. Print

Water Abuse

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Water

Water Spouts

Water Spouts.
Water spouts are another type of tornado. A water spout is a tornado that hoovers over land and is formed by strong pull of water forming the tornado’s funnel and high wind speeds around it. Water spouts can form in two different ways. During normal weather when water temperatures are high and the air is very humid is typically when water spouts can form at sea level. The second way a water spout can form is like a regular tornado, it will form from a cloud and descend down but will touch water’s surface.
It is not as common for a water spout to form from a cloud, but when they do, they are typically more destructive than a water spout forming at sea level. When a water spout is formed from a cloud they are so destructive that they are able to pull fish from the water into the tornado and release them back out when the fish reach the top of the water spouts. A person would need to be far above the water level, such as in a plane or on a mountain, to see the first sign of a waterspout. It starts as a dark spot forming on the ocean.
The second phase still could not be seen from a ship, but could perhaps could be felt as the wind shifts and speeds up. If a person on a boat happened to look up at the cloud above when sensing the change in the wind, that person might notice a funnel forming in the clouds even though the vortex on the water’s surface is not clearly visible. As the winds increases, the spray is visible from the vortex on the ocean surface. When a waterspout is fully matured, anyone with eyes to see can watch the funnel reach from the cloud to dip and twist into the water.

They also hiss and suck at the water instead of the rumbling growl of a twister on land. Waterspouts can also form over lakes or rivers, but are most commonly seen over the ocean. They suck up the water in their path, billowing a water spray like a mushroom cloud against the water surface. Waterspouts can range in size from several feet to more than a mile high, and their width can vary from a few feet to hundreds of feet. It is not uncommon to see more than one water-twister at a time. Some ships have reported seeing as many as 30 waterspouts in a single day.

Water Spouts

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Essay Summary of Water

Essay Summary of Water.
Abstract: This thesis examines Deepa Mehta’s trilogy—Water, Earth, Fire—and the trilogy’s exploration and contestation of colonial, anti-colonial nationalist, and religious ideologies as intersecting with patriarchal norms to enact symbolic and actual violence on the bodies of women. I argue that Mehta’s trilogy foregrounds the ways in which patriarchal nationalism legitimizes violence against women’s bodies and sexualities through different social and cultural practices and discourses which are interconnected.
To explain the historical and contemporary contexts of Indian women’s domination and the ways they resist this domination, Mehta’s films unveil the underlying power relations among social forces such as colonialism, anti-colonial reform movements, post-colonial nationalism, religious and patriarchal heteronormative discourses which make women’s domination an acceptable cultural norm.
Through an analysis of the experiences of women portrayed in Mehta’s films, I posit that the constructions of the Indian nation, in terms of national culture, tradition and identity, are gendered in specific ways that construct the Indian woman, both symbolically and physically, as a site where nationalist ideology provokes their political liberation, self-representation and agency. Mehta’s films disrupt these historical and contemporary practices, discourses and norms through the depictions of women’s multiple identities, experiences and sexualities.

Her works demonstrate the ways in which women constantly resist, contest and negotiate with this domination and violence through their daily activities and narratives. Introduction: Deepa Mehta’s Trilogy Indo-Canadian film director Deepa Mehta was born in 1950 in Amritsar, a border city between India and Pakistan located in India (Banning and Levitin 274, Monk 201). Mehta’s father, who was a film distributor, was forced to relocate to Amritsar from Lahore because of the violence of the partition of India in 1947.
Growing within a filmic environment, Mehta was already involved with documentary filmmaking when she completed her master’s degree in Philosophy at Delhi University. When Mehta was considering pursuing a PhD, she was invited to work with a production company to make documentaries for the Indian government (Banning and Levitin 274). While working in this company, Mehta learned various film techniques such as editing, sound, camera work, and narrative development, and she made her first documentary film on a child bride.
During her filming on another documentary, Mehta met with Paul Saltzman who was making a documentary on the High Commissioner of India at that time. Mehta moved to Canada in 1973 after marrying Saltzman and formed a production company, Sunrise Films with her brother photojournalist Dilip Mehta and Saltzman (Banning and Levitin 274 and Monk 201). At Sunrise, Mehta directed, produced, and edited for television, including the series Danger Bay.
In 1985, Mehta made a documentary on her brother photojournalist Dilip Mehta entitled Travelling Light: The Photojournalism of Dilip Mehta which gained international acclaim at the 1987 New York International Film and Television Festival. At this time, Mehta also won Best Feature Film Award at the 11th International Women’s Film Festival in Italy for a television feature Martha, Ruth & Edie. But Mehta earned her first success as a feature film debut when she filmed Sam & Me in 1991.
Sam & Me is a story of a young Indian boy who arrives in Canada with hopes and expectations but becomes frustrated when he can work only as a caretaker of an elderly father of 1his uncle’s employer. According to Jacqueline Levitin, “[m]ore than a tale of a young Indian abroad, the film is an indictment of a country that is multicultural in name only. Coming from a comfortable family background, Mehta had been shocked in Canada to find herself viewed as a brown-skinned ‘other’” (282).
After Sam & Me’ s success, Mehta worked on episodes of George Lucas’s television series The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles (1992) and Travels with Father (1994). In 1994, Mehta directed a big budget feature Camilla, a Canadian/UK production. Camilla also tells a story of a friendship, this time between an elderly woman and a young woman. When this film failed to fulfill box office expectations, Mehta decided to make only those films which inspired her. In 1996, Mehta made her first film of an elemental trilogy, Fire.
Fire (1996) is a story of two sisters-in-law who challenge the patriarchal religious traditions and heteronormative roles and duties assigned to women in a joint Hindu family and get involved in a homoerotic relationship. Fire engendered criticism and violent reception among Hindu religious fundamentalists, Indian and diasporic scholars and feminists because of this film’s depiction of a lesbian relationship and the alleged misrepresentation of women and Hindu culture.
In 1998, Mehta produced and directed her second film of the elemental trilogy 1947 Earth1 based on diasporic Pakistani writer Bapsi Sidhwa’s novel Cracking India, which portrays the horrible ethnic violence enacted on men and women during the partition of India in 1947. When Mehta began her filming of Water in 2000, the last film of the elemental trilogy, about the social, cultural, economic, and religious ostracism of Hindu widows in India, she was forced to leave India without completing her shooting because of the violence of Hindu fundamentalists against this film.
In 2002 and 2003, Mehta directed Boollywood/Hollywood and the Republic of Love, but went on to complete the shooting of Water in Sri Lanka in 2005, which was subsequently nominated for the 2007 Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film. Mehta directed Heaven on Earth in 2008, which depicts domestic violence enacted on a newly married immigrant woman in Canada. Currently, Mehta is in the final stage of completing the adaptation of Indian born British writer Salman Rushdie’s novel Midnight’s Children, which will be released in 2012.
Deepa Mehta’s work, especially her elemental trilogy–Fire (1996), Earth (1998) and Water (2005)–has received international acclaim, instigated controversy, and caused debate in international and Indian newspapers and magazines, and among scholars because these films depict women’s domination by the patriarchal religious and nationalist ideologies of India during the historical period represented. These films portray women’s identity, empowerment, and sexuality as a challenge to the embedded power relations in Indian society and culture.
At the same time, Mehta’s trilogy has engendered a lot of contro versy because of Mehta’s diasporic, hence privileged, subject position. For example, Indian and diasporic scholars and feminist critics Madhu Kishwar and Uma Parameswaran critique Mehta’s portrayals of Indian culture, women, and religion and question Mehta’s privileged diasporic position and her lack of authenticity. The Hindu religious fundamentalist groups also burned Mehta’s effigy, vandalized her film set, and proclaimed death threats to Mehta, and these groups forced Mehta to leave India without completing the shooting of Water.
The diasporic and transnational identity of Mehta, as well as the transnational mode of Mehta’s production–for example, her international crew comprises British, French, Italians, Hungarians, and Indians– and the transnational reception of Mehta’s films across North America, India, and the South Asian diaspora demand a nuanced understanding of Mehta’s transnational filmmaking practices and its contribution to diasporicfilm and media studies as well as feminist scholarship.
More importantly, the depictions of feminist politics and sexual politics, women’s subjectivity and empowerment, and women’s historiography, as well as the deconstruction of post-colonial patriarchal and nationalist ideologies in Mehta’s elemental trilogy play a significant part in contributing transnational feminist perspectives and aesthetics to transnational and diasporic film and media studies.
To explore the feminist politics and aesthetics of Mehta’s trilogy, I have analyzed the narratives of Mehta’s films through various theoretical approaches across disciplines, such as transnational and diasporic film studies, post-colonial feminist studies and film, transnational feminist frameworks, media studies and theorisations of diaspora, and cultural identity.
In film studies, transnational or cross-cultural analysis is comparatively new (Butler 119), but in feminist studies, transnational practice is very influential as a critique of global feminism which has failed to deal with alterity, difference, and diversity in feminist works across cultural divides (Grewal and Kaplan 2).
Before analysing Mehta’s contribution to transnational filmmaking and feminist practices, it is necessary to discuss the significance and uses of transnationalism, diaspora, post- colonialism, and transnational feminist politics in the context of nation, culture, location and dislocation, gender, sexuality, and identity, which are the major theoretical concerns of my analysis. Transnationalism, Diaspora and Post-colonialism:
According to Caren Kaplan and Inderpal Grewal, the primary aspects of transnationalism are “migration flows; the demise or irrelevance of the nation-state and the emergence of alternative identities that are not primarily national; the existence and study of diaspora; a form of neo-colonialism that implicates the transnational in movements of capital; and the ‘NGO- ization’ of social movements to supplant the international and the global” (Kaplan and Grewal quoted in Marciniak, Katarzyna, Aniko Imre, and Aine O’Healy 4). There has been a rapid increase of migration across the world since 1980s.
Because of the multiple and shifting identities of immigrants, the increasing transnationalization of cultural production, distribution, and consumption, and the fundamental transformation in the political economy of capitalism of late twentieth century, it is no longer enough to analyze the complexity of cultural production, distribution, and consumption by using a binary model of the world system such as global-local and center-periphery (Marciniak, Katarzyna, Aniko Imre, and Aine O’Healy 4, Brah 178-179, Grewal and Kaplan 9-16).
As Arjun Appadurai points out, there is a significant disjuncture and difference in global cultural economy: “[t]he new global cultural economy has to be seen as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order, which cannot any longer be understood in terms of existing center-periphery models” (Appadurai 6) because these binary models may erase the existence of multiple expressions of local identities and resistances, and also overlook multilayered power relations embedded at various levels of socio-political agendas (Grewal and Kaplan 11).
In this context of cultural production, distribution and consumption, Grewal and Kaplan use the term transnational to problematize a “purely locational politics of global-local or center- periphery” (13). In this thesis, I have used the term transnational to question any homogenous and monolithic construction of local and global culture and identities. Rather, this term transnational can be used to explore the historically specific effect and influence of cultural productions and to understand the complex and multiply-constituted identities through the analysis of cultural production.
Further, I have applied this term to explain the cross-connection between cultures, power relations, and identity formation at various levels of socio-political agendas, rather than to focus on a purely local or hegemonic global. Most important, the termtransnational can be applied along with the critiques offered by post-colonial and post-colonial diaspora studies which interrogate the notions of unified and static national and cultural identity. The term post-colonial can be used in multiple ways.
The two most pertinent to my study are post-colonialism as a social condition –“the condition resulting from a particular form of geopolitical cultural and economic domination and the subsequent struggles engaged against this domination that have been consolidated by the bourgeoisie as anticolonial nationalisms” (Desai10); the second is as a political critique of colonialism and modernity which can be better understood through the links of power and knowledge (Desai 10).
While post-colonialism as a social condition is significant to our understanding of the migration, displacement and the formation of post-colonial diaspora, the term post-colonialism as a critique of colonialism and nationalism is equally important to critique the Eurocentric discourses of hegemonic global culture and identity.
As Jigna Desai argues, “[P]ostcolonial critique theoretically and politically attempts to identify and to deconstruct the universalizing Eurocentric discourses of colonialism, nationalism, and modernity through challenging universalist narratives of history, critiquing the form of the nation, and interrogating the relationship between power and knowledge” (10). Similarly, the term diaspora can be used as a potential theoretical framework to theorize nation, “race”2, and transnationality in relation to power, culture, and identity.
In this thesis, I have used diaspora as a theoretical framework to critique the concept of pure and fixed home, place, nation, and origin and to question the ways in which the construction of fixed origin and home play important roles in defining who embraces the hegemonic ideas of home and nationbut went on to complete the shooting of Water in Sri Lanka in 2005, which was subsequently nominated for the 2007 Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film.
Mehta directed Heaven on Earth in 2008, which depicts domestic violence enacted on a newly married immigrant woman in Canada. Currently, Mehta is in the final stage of completing the adaptation of Indian born British writer Salman Rushdie’s novel Midnight’s Children, which will be released in 2012.
Deepa Mehta’s work, especially her elemental trilogy–Fire (1996), Earth (1998) and Water (2005)–has received international acclaim, instigated controversy, and caused debate in international and Indian newspapers and magazines, and among scholars because these films depict women’s domination by the patriarchal religious and nationalist ideologies of India during the historical period represented. These films portray women’s identity, empowerment, and sexuality as a challenge to the embedded power relations in Indian society and culture.
At the same time, Mehta’s trilogy has engendered a lot of controversy because of Mehta’s diasporic, hence privileged, subject position. For example, Indian and diasporic scholars and feminist critics Madhu Kishwar and Uma Parameswaran critique Mehta’s portrayals of Indian culture, women, and religion and question Mehta’s privileged diasporic position and her lack of authenticity. The Hindu religious fundamentalist groups also burned Mehta’s effigy, vandalized her film set, and proclaimed death threats to Mehta, and these groups forced Mehta to leave India without completing the shooting of Water.
The diasporic and transnational identity of Mehta, as well as the transnational mode of Mehta’s production–for example, her international crew comprises British, French, Italians, Hungarians, and Indians– and the transnational reception of Mehta’s films across North America, India, and the South Asian diaspora demand a nuanced understanding of Mehta’s transnational filmmaking practices and its contribution to diasporic 3film and media studies as well as feminist scholarship.
More importantly, the depictions of feminist politics and sexual politics, women’s subjectivity and empowerment, and women’s historiography, as well as the deconstruction of post-colonial patriarchal and nationalist ideologies in Mehta’s elemental trilogy play a significant part in contributing transnational feminist perspectives and aesthetics to transnational and diasporic film and media studies.
To explore the feminist politics and aesthetics of Mehta’s trilogy, I have analyzed the narratives of Mehta’s films through various theoretical approaches across disciplines, such as transnational and diasporic film studies, post-colonial feminist studies and film, transnational feminist frameworks, media studies and theorisations of diaspora, and cultural identity.
In film studies, transnational or cross-cultural analysis is comparatively new (Butler 119), but in feminist studies, transnational practice is very influential as a critique of global feminism which has failed to deal with alterity, difference, and diversity in feminist works across cultural divides (Grewal and Kaplan 2).
Before analysing Mehta’s contribution to transnational filmmaking and feminist practices, it is necessary to discuss the significance and uses of transnationalism, diaspora, post- colonialism, and transnational feminist politics in the context of nation, culture, location and dislocation, gender, sexuality, and identity, which are the major theoretical concerns of my analysis. Transnationalism, Diaspora and Post-colonialism:
According to Caren Kaplan and Inderpal Grewal, the primary aspects of transnationalism are “migration flows; the demise or irrelevance of the nation-state and the emergence of alternative identities that are not primarily national; the existence and study of diaspora; a form of neo-colonialism that implicates the transnational in movements of capital; and the ‘NGO- ization’ of social movements to supplant the international and the global” (Kaplan and Grewal 4 quoted in Marciniak, Katarzyna, Aniko Imre, and Aine O’Healy 4). There has been a rapid increase of migration across the world since 1980s.
Because of the multiple and shifting identities of immigrants, the increasing transnationalization of cultural production, distribution, and consumption, and the fundamental transformation in the political economy of capitalism of late twentieth century, it is no longer enough to analyze the complexity of cultural production, distribution, and consumption by using a binary model of the world system such as global-local and center-periphery (Marciniak, Katarzyna, Aniko Imre, and Aine O’Healy 4, Brah 178-179, Grewal and Kaplan 9-16).
As Arjun Appadurai points out, there is a significant disjuncture and difference in global cultural economy: “[t]he new global cultural economy has to be seen as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order, which cannot any longer be understood in terms of existing center-periphery models” (Appadurai 6) because these binary models may erase the existence of multiple expressions of local identities and resistances, and also overlook multilayered power relations embedded at various levels of socio-political agendas (Grewal and Kaplan 11).
In this context of cultural production, distribution and consumption, Grewal and Kaplan use the term transnational to problematize a “purely locational politics of global-local or center- periphery” (13). In this thesis, I have used the term transnational to question any homogenous and monolithic construction of local and global culture and identities. Rather, this term transnational can be used to explore the historically specific effect and influence of cultural productions and to understand the complex and multiply-constituted identities through the analysis of cultural production.
Further, I have applied this term to explain the cross-connection between cultures, power relations, and identity formation at various levels of socio-political agendas, rather than to focus on a purely local or hegemonic global. Most important, the term 5 transnational can be applied along with the critiques offered by post-colonial and post-colonial diaspora studies which interrogate the notions of unified and static national and cultural identity. The term post-colonial can be used in multiple ways.
The two most pertinent to my study are post-colonialism as a social condition –“the condition resulting from a particular form of geopolitical cultural and economic domination and the subsequent struggles engaged against this domination that have been consolidated by the bourgeoisie as anticolonial nationalisms” (Desai10); the second is as a political critique of colonialism and modernity which can be better understood through the links of power and knowledge (Desai 10).
While post-colonialism as a social condition is significant to our understanding of the migration, displacement and the formation of post-colonial diaspora, the term post-colonialism as a critique of colonialism and nationalism is equally important to critique the Eurocentric discourses of hegemonic global culture and identity.
As Jigna Desai argues, “[P]ostcolonial critique theoretically and politically attempts to identify and to deconstruct the universalizing Eurocentric discourses of colonialism, nationalism, and modernity through challenging universalist narratives of history, critiquing the form of the nation, and interrogating the relationship between power and knowledge” (10). Similarly, the term diaspora can be used as a potential theoretical framework to theorize nation, “race”2, and transnationality in relation to power, culture, and identity.
In this thesis, I have used diaspora as a theoretical framework to critique the concept of pure and fixed home, place, nation, and origin and to question the ways in which the construction of fixed origin and home play important roles in defining who embraces the hegemonic ideas of home and nation 2 This is a highly-contested and a constructed category of social organization and identification that originates in discourse.
Therefore, I place the term “race” in quotations marks though out my work to underscore the fact that this is a problematic construction, yet it is necessary to name racialization and to discuss it because it circulates in contemporary discourse and has real effects on people’s lives as Mehta’s work shows. 6 and who does not. Here, diaspora is being used to interrogate the hegemonic nationalist construction of home, space, and cultural and national identity. Diaspora also interrogates the social, cultural, and political processes through which inclusion and exclusion operate and power is formed through the construction of hegemonic identity.
As Avtar Brah points out, “[T]he concept of diaspora . . . is embedded within a multi-axial understanding of power; one that problematises the notion of ‘minority’/ ‘majority’” (Brah 189). Analyzing the concept diaspora in relation to borders and multi-axial locationality of transnational movement, culture and capital, Brah proposes a new concept entitled “diaspora space” which not only indicates those who have migrated but also those natives who are constructed and represented as outsider and marginalized (208-209).
According to Brah, Diaspora space is the intersectionality of diaspora, border, and dis/location as a point of confluence of economic, political, cultural, and psychic processes. It is where multiple subject positions are juxtaposed, contested, proclaimed or disavowed; where the permitted and the prohibited perpetually interrogate; and where the accepted and transgressive imperceptibly mingle even while these syncretic forms may be disclaimed in the name of purity and tradition (Brah 208).
In this thesis, especially in the chapter on Fire, I have used the term diaspora as a cultural identity which critiques the gendered formation of national and cultural identity and sense of belonging by the hegemonic nationalist discourses through the discourses of pure tradition and past in opposition to the contaminated west (Hall quoted in Desai 20).
To understand the ethnocentric and gendered construction of home, nation, and identity, my research seeks to respond to several questions: how does Mehta critique patriarchal and nationalist constructions of static and pure home, tradition, and mythic past through the depiction of transculturalism? 7 How can feminist politics be applied to challenge these nationalist constructions of home and space which are inherently gendered?
How are women’s bodies posited in this imaginary construction of national and cultural identity? How does Mehta portray cultural identity in relation to gender, “race”, class, nation, and sexuality through the examination of multiple axes of differentiation? How do gender and feminist politics play important role in the analysis of diaspora and transnationalism? To understand the feminist politics of Mehta’s work, it is necessary to focus on post-colonial and transnational feminist critical frameworks.
Situating feminist and gender politics in relation to the politics of location and identity, transnational feminist practices critique the universal nature of feminist movements (Grewal and Kaplan 17). According to Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan, there is an imperative need to address the concerns of women around the world in the historicized particularity of their relationship to multiple patriarchies as well as to international economic hegemonies … We need to articulate the relationship of gender to scattered hegemonies such as global economic structures, patriarchal nationalisms, ‘authentic’ forms of tradition, local structures of domination, and legal-juridical oppression on multiple levels (Grewal and Kaplan 17). To understand the historically specific oppression and domination of women and to explore the resistance and agentic power of women in a specific context of identity formation, Shari Stone- Mediatore provides significant definitions of transnational and post-colonial feminist frameworks.
According to Stone-Mediatore, By transnational feminism I refer to a theoretical and political project that confronts, with a view toward resisting, far-reaching political, economic, and cultural relations of 8 domination and the specific dangers that these relations present to women. Such a project is transnational because the relations of domination that it confronts cross over national boundaries and produce historically specific cooperative as well as hierarchical relations among women of different nations, races, and classes.
It is also postcolonial in the sense that it takes seriously the continuing social and psychological effects of colonialism and neo-colonialism and seeks ways to move beyond such colonialist relations (Stone- Mediatore128). Transnational and post-colonial feminist theorists such as Gayatri Spivak, Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan, Ella Shohat, and Lata Moni deconstruct the Eurocentric hegemonic and monolithic constructions of “Third World”3 women which erase the multiple experiences and differences of women in relation to gender, “race”, class, ethnicity, sexuality, and nationality.
For example, Mohanty in her groundbreaking essay entitled “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourse” interrogates western feminists’ hegemonic knowledge production which constructs a singular and monolithic subject of “Third World” women. She argues that this construction discursively colonizes the material and historical heterogeneities of the lives of women all over the world (Mohanty 19).
These feminists focus on the politics of location of diverse women across the world—the politics of location identifies the historically specific experiences and similarities between women “in diverse and asymmetrical relations, creating alternative histories, identities, and possibilities for alliances” (Kaplan 139). 3 This is a highly-contested and a constructed category of social organization and identification that originates in discourse. Therefore, I place the term “Third World” in quotations marks though out my work to underscore the fact that this is a problematic construction. Originally coined by Adrienne Rich in the early 1980s, the term politics of location has been used in different ways as a method of interrogating and deconstructing the privileged position and identity of white feminism (Kaplan 139). However, pointing out the limitation of the politics of location and its usages in transnational and post-colonial feminist practices, Caren Kaplan argues, “[a] politics of location is most useful, then, in a feminist context when it is used to deconstruct any dominant hierarchy or hegemonic use of the term gender.
A politics of location is not useful when it is construed to be the reflection of authentic, primordial identities that are to be re-established and reaffirmed” (Kaplan 139). In women’s cinema, “a feminist politics of location is articulated by those films which situate female identity in dynamic historical situations, to reveal the imbrications of technologies of gender with those of local, national and international power” (Butler 91).
My thesis therefore investigates how Mehta constructs the historically specific experiences and agentic power of women in Fire, Earth, and Water and asks how the particular context of women’s oppression and domination connect the broader contexts of colonialism, nationalism, religious fundamentalism, and patriarchy. Further, how does Mehta portray the politics of location of the women protagonists by deconstructing the pure and static past? Finally, I seek to clarify the ways in which these three films in tandem posit gender and women in relation to colonialism, anti-colonialism, patriarchy, religion, and nationalism.
Post-colonialism, Gender, and Nationalism: Within Cultural Studies, Benedict Anderson’s definition of nation as “an imagined political community” (Anderson 6) has provided am important materialist framework for the critical study of national cultures and identity (Butler 91). According to Anderson, “[i]t is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow- 10 members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion ” (Anderson 6).
Anderson’s definition of nation has provided a significant theoretical framework for understanding the socio-cultural roots and cultural systems through which nation, nationalism, and national identities are formed. This definition is also imp[[ortant to understand the ways in which nation-state has been naturalized by nationalist myths and stories. As Anderson proposes, “nationalism has to be understood by aligning it, not with self- consciously held political ideologies, but with the large cultural systems that preceded it, out of which-as well as against which-it came into being” (Anderson 12).
Therefore, my thesis aims to understand the socio-cultural and historical contexts of the formation of nationalist ideologies through the examination of the portrayal of nationalism in relation to colonialism, anti-colonial nationalist ideologies, religious and patriarchal discourses. My research further investigates whether nationalism is gendered by placing women’s politics and identity in the core of the politics of Indian nationalism and anti-colonial social and reform movements as depicted in Mehta’s films.
In a chapter entitled “The Nation and Its Women,” Post-colonial Studies and Subaltern Studies scholar Partha Chatterjee elaborates the relationship between women’s politics and the politics of Indian nationalism in the nineteenth century. According to Chatterjee, the women’s question was a central issue in the social reform agenda in the early and mid-nineteenth century Bengal, but these women’s issues were eclipsed in the politics of nationalism in the last decades of the nineteenth century (Chatterjee 116).
Chatterjee argues that nationalist and social reform movements in the nineteenth- century did not address women’s questions as a feminist politics within a specific context of social relations; rather, nationalism situated women’s issues at the demarcation of Indian traditionalism in opposition to colonial rule and to the contaminated west 11 (Chatterjee 119). Chatterjee explains this resolution of women’s status and concerns in nationalist ideology by invoking a framework that separates the cultural domain into two spheres: the material and the spiritual (119).
In the material sphere such as science and technology, rational forms of economic organization, modern methods of statecraft, Indian nationalist ideology adopted western techniques to compete with European and western development, civilization, and modernization. But in the case of the spiritual sphere, the nationalist ideology took a different approach—focusing on a distinct spiritual essence of India’s national culture (Chatterjee 119-120).
At the same time, nationalist ideology posited this framework of material/ spiritual as an analogous dichotomy: the outer/world and the inner/home (Chatterjee120). The nationalist discourses posit their spiritual essence and true self in the domain of inner/ home which must be uncontaminated from the profane activities of outer world and material activities of western civilization, and women are the holder of the spiritual essence of India’s cultural and national identity (Chatterjee 120).
In another essay entitled “Colonialism, Nationalism, and Colonized Women: the Contest in India,” Partha Chatterjee demonstrates the ways in which nationalist ideology has resolved women’s questions in the new contexts of social, cultural, economic, and political changes in post-colonial India. According to Chatterjee, The need to adjust to the new conditions outside the home had forced upon men a whole series of changes in their dress, food habits, religious observances and social relations. Each of these capitulations now had to be compensated by an assertion of spiritual purity on the part of women.
They must not eat, drink or smoke in the same way as men; they must continue the observance of religious rituals which men were finding difficult to carry out; … .The new patriarchy advocated by nationalism conferred upon women the 12 honor of a new social responsibility, and by associating the task of female emancipation with the historical goal of sovereign nationhood, bound them to a new, and yet entirely legitimate, subordination (Chatterjee, colonialism, nationalism 629). Drawing on Chatterjee’s framework of inner/ outer dichotomy, R.
Radhakrishnan addresses the incorporation of women’s question in the politics of nationalism in post-colonial India. As Radhakrishnan points out, “by mobilizing the inner/outer distinction against the ‘outerness’ of the west, nationalist rhetoric makes ‘woman’ the pure and ahistorical signifier of ‘interiority’. In the fight against the enemy from the outside, something within gets even more repressed, and ‘woman’ becomes the mute but necessary allegorical ground for the transactions of nationalist history” (192).
However, it is important to note that Chatterjee not only addresses the ways in which nationalist ideology addressed women’s identity by including women’s issues as identity markers of the inner/ spiritual essence of India, but also demonstrates how post-colonial nationalism constructed the ideas of new womanhood in the new context of post-colonial India by reinforcing women’s sexuality—pure and respectable middle class sexuality in opposition to “brazen, avaricious, irreligious, sexually promiscuous” (Chatterjee, Colonialism, Nationalism 630).
The post-colonial theorists and scholars that I have discussed above make it clear the ways in which women are symbolically constructed as bearers of meanings—communal, national, cultural, and religious, by nationalist discourses in colonial and post-colonial India (Chhachhi 75, Chatterjee, colonialism, nationalism 630, Radhakrishnan 192, Butler 91-92, Shohat n. p. ).
Especially, Chatterjee’s discussions about the construction, by means of post-colonial nationalism, of new womanhood through the discourses of middle class feminine qualities and his analysis of the ideological construction of women as mother or goddess to erase her sexuality are an important 13 departure for analyzing the relationship between nationalism and heteronormativity in Mehta’s trilogy.
Heteronormative Discourses and Nationalism in Post-colonial Feminist Studies: According to Jigna Desai and Gayatri Gopinath, few studies have focused on the ways in which gender and sexuality are affected by heteronormative discourses of nationalism and the ways in which heteronormativity is produced and maintained through the discourses of colonialism, anti-colonialism, and nationalism (Desai 29, Gopinath, Nastalgia, Desire 469).
Some of the post-colonial, transnational and diasporic feminist studies have addressed how the notion of good citizenship is produced through the naturalization of heterosexuality and through the criminalization of other forms of non-procreative sexualities in post-colonial nationalism. For example, M.
Jacqui Alexander in the article entitled “Not Just (Any) Body Can Be a Citizen: The Politics of Law, Sexuality and Postcoloniality in Trinidad and Tobago and the Bahamas” interrogates the racialized and gendered legislative gestures of these post-colonial nations which produce the ideas of normal/deviant sexualities through the legitimization of heterosexual bodies and criminalization of non-heteronormative bodies.
As Alexander argues, Not just (any) body can be a citizen any more, for some bodies have been marked by the state as non-procreative, . . . . Having refused the heterosexual imperative of citizenship, these bodies, according to the state, pose a profound threat to the very survival of the nation. Thus, I argue that as the state moves to reconfigure the nation it simultaneously resuscitates the nation as heterosexual (Alexander 6).
Alexander poses important questions regarding the relationship between non-heteronormative subjects, sense of belonging, and home in post-colonial countries. The abovementioned quotation 14 also suggests that non-heteronormative subjects have a different relationship to the constructions of home, family, and citizenship in which people of alternative sexualities do not belong to the nationalist definition of good citizenship because citizenship continues to be defined through heterosexuality and heteromasculinity (Alexander 7).
Therefore, she suggests that the process of decolonization which was the aim of anti-colonial nationalist movement is seriously disrupted (Alexander 7). Similarly, Paola Bacchetta in the article entitled “When the (Hindu) Nation Exiles Its Queers” interrogates Hindu nationalist attempts to create an inclusive and homogenized cultural nationalist ideology through the enforcement of heterosexuality as only legitimate sexual practice in opposition to queer gender and sexuality in post-colonial India (Bacchetta 14, 143).
As Bacchetta argues, [T]he construction of queer gender and sexualities, which appear in Hindu nationalism, are largely effects of Hindu nationalist reworkings of misogynist notions of gender and heterosexist notions of sexual normativity imposed through colonialism. These effects are manifested in a binary in which qualities of virile, militaristic masculinity combined with obligatory asexuality(for Hindu nationalist leaders) and forced heterosexuality (for Hindu nationalized masses) are valorized and placed in opposition to queer gender and sexuality(assigned to all others).
In this scheme, queer gender and sexuality are constructed as already outside the Hindu nation; when queerdom reenters, it must be immediately exiled (Bacchetta 143). Bacchetta’s analysis of Hindu xenophobic queerphobia (in this logic, Hindu nationalism claims that queerdom is not Indian and it is imported from Britain) and queerphobic Xenophobia (in this usage, Hindu nationalism signifies queerdom metaphorically to all the designated others regardless of their sexualities) (Bacchetta 143-144) suggests that the usage of queer is contextual 15 nd it signifies multiple meanings, trajectories, and multidirectionality across the sexual identity (Bacchetta 144). Similarly, Nivedita Menon in the essay entitled “Outing Heteronormativity: Nation, Citizen, Feminist Disruptions” analyzes the politics of location embedded in the particular use of queer in post-colonial Indian context. She suggests that the term queer is used to question the supposed naturalness of heterosexual identity (Menon19-20).
Referring to the volume entitled Queer Politics in India, Menon points out that The term queer . . . speaks . . . of communities that name themselves (as gay or lesbian for example), as well as those that do not, . . . . Queer politics does not speak of the issues of these communities as ‘minority issues’, but instead speaks of larger understandings of gender and sexuality in our society that affects all of us, regardless of our sexual orientation.
It speaks of sexuality as a politics intrinsically and inevitably connected with the politics of class, gender, caste, religion and so on, thereby both acknowledging other movements and also demanding inclusion within them ( Narrain and Bhan quoted in Menon 20). This quotation points out the particular context of queer politics of post-colonial India, and at the same time, connects this politics with other axes of social differentiation across the nation such as gender, class, “race”, caste, religion, and ethnicity.
Reviewing the queer movement in India, Menon argues that queer identity emerges in India from the following accounts: a) queer politics questions biology critically and argues that sexuality is fluid, not a generic given, b) queer is a political and unstable term which challenges heteronormativity through gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgender/ hijra, feminist or other identities, and c) “queer politics sees 16 itself as complicated as its point of origin by class, caste and community identity, and is self- critical to the extent it is unable to engage with this complication” (Menon 21-22).
At the same time, Menon demonstrates the importance of diasporic location in the politics of queer to interrogate nationalist ideologies regarding pure and authentic past, sense of belonging, and home (Menon 41). David L. Eng in the article entitled “Out Here and Over There: Queerness and Diaspora in Asian American Studies” posits feminist and queer methods in Asian American studies and demonstrates the ways in which Asian American racial, sexual, and national identities are formulated through compulsory heterosexuality (Eng 32).
Posing important questions regarding the roles of nations and nationalism in the construction of racial formation of Asian Americans, Eng argues that the cultural nationalism of Asian Americans not only focuses on Asian American as a racial minority group, but also prescribes who is a recongnizable and legitimate Asian American—male, heterosexual, working class, American born and English speaking (Eng 34). Critiquing this narrow definition of Asian American by cultural nationalist groups, Eng applies queer methods to denaturalize any claims regarding the definition of nation-state and home as considered as heterosexual (35).
Rather, Eng defines “queerness not just in the narrow sense of sexual identity and sexual practices, but queerness as a critical methodology for evaluating Asian American racial formation across multiple axes of difference and in its numerous local and global manifestations” (Eng 39). Similarly, Gayatri Gopinath proposes the “queer South Asian diasporic subjectivity” as a challenge to nationalist ideologies regarding home and nostalgia by restoring those practices, desire, and subjectivities that are considered impossible and unimaginable in the conventional diasporic and national imaginings (Gopinath 470, Menon 41).
Following the post-colonial and transnational critical frameworks of queer politics that I have analyzed above, I have used queer methodology not only to suggest homosexual identities and alternative sexual practices but also to critique the construction of any ‘normative’ discourse. I have applied queer politics to reveal the ways in which heterosexuality and other modalities of power such as patriarchy, religion, and institutions construct the dichotomy of normative and deviance in which multiple sexual practices and identities are punished and exiled.
Along with the focus on the politics of location, embedded in the particular usage of queer politics in post- colonial India, I have also emphasized queer politics that is relational to global and diasporic cultural politics. Therefore, I have used a queer diasporic framework as a critical method to critique the ethnocentric and gendered formation of cultural nationalism and identity through the discourses of heterosexual family, marriage, home and citizenship.
Also, queer diaspora interrogates heteronormativity that works as a site of cultural authenticity through the discourses of pure and authentic past, home, and identity. Therefore, my thesis will address what kind of roles nation and nationalism play in the construction of heteronormativity and how Mehta’s portrayal of women’s multiple sexualities and desires contest and negotiate the nationalist constructions of home, family, and citizenship.
Transnational Filmmaking Practices and Deepa Mehta’s Trilogy: In film studies, according to Katarzyna Marciniak, Aniko Imre, and Aine O’Healy , we find the following categories of films: “cinema of the borders,” “cinema of migration,” and “cinema of displacement” (Marciniak, Imre, and O’Healy 9 ) which refer to the experiences and discourses of exile, migration, and border crossings.
These categories and filmic narratives, as Marciniak, Imre, and O’Healy point out, cannot be linked exclusively to any single national and cultural production because of “thematic foci and complicated production contexts” (Marciniak, 18 Imre, and O’Healy 9) in the increasingly globalizing world and media environment. Since the 1960s, the increasing accesses to multiple channels and different types of local and transnational media, and the displacement of a huge number of people have challenged the notions of national culture and identity, and the dominance of national cinema and genre (Naficy 8).
In the critical juncture of the world media system and transnational mode of production and reception of cinema, Hamid Naficy brings attention to “a new and critical imagination in the global media: an accented cinema of exile and diaspora and its embedded theory of criticism” (Naficy 8) in the book entitled An Accented Cinema: Exilic and Diasporic Filmmaking. In the exilic nd diasporic experiences and discourses of filmmakers and, in filmic narratives, the socio-cultural politics of the directors’ multiple identities, the effect of globalization in cinema industry, the internationalization of story plot, hybridization of styles, and the transcendence of national and cultural boundary in film production and reception have brought forward a new transnational filmmaking practice (Levitin 271, Tay 111-113).
According to film critic and scholar Asuman Suner, certain films and filmmaking practices can be considered as transnational filmmaking practices when they problematize the question of national identity and belonging by directing attention to the multiplicity of the experience of displacement, de-territorialization, and migration within and across the non-Western world.
Testifying to the complexity of the question of displacement in their own geopolitical contexts, they effectively prove that the problematization of the relations of belonging and identity is not the monopoly of the exilic/diasporic subjects residing in the West (Suner cited in Tay 112). 19
In this thesis, following Suner’s definition of transnational filmmaking practices, I situate Deepa Mehta’s filmmaking practices as transnational, not because Mehta is a diasporic subject nor because of the transnational mode of her films’ production, distribution, and reception across North America, South Asia, and South Asian diaspora; rather, Mehta’s filmmaking practices in her elemental trilogy can be better understood as transnational in terms of the representation of cross-cultural content and the “complexities of geopolitics, mobilisation, displacement, desires, and identity (Tay 114).
In other words, the critique of the binary model of global-local; the depiction of multilayered power relations among different discourses at various levels of social relations such as colonialism, the anti-colonial reform movement, nationalism, religion, and patriarchy; the critique of “authentic” and static past and tradition; the portrayal of multiple experiences of characters and multiple historical narratives of India and nationhood; and the depiction of female multiple subjectivities, desires, and sexualities in Mehta’s trilogy make her filmmaking practices transnational and feminist.
Mehta’s transnational filmmaking practices cannot be analyzed through the traditional binary model of east/west or global/local. Rather, Mehta portrays a very complex relationship between multiple cultures, experiences, histories, stories, and identities of characters in colonial and post-colonial India.
Therefore, Mehta’s filmmaking practices can be better understood as transnational in the following ways: first, the transnational mode of production, marketing, and consumption of Mehta’s trilogy in the age of global media flows; second, the representation and questioning of nation and nationalism and national and cultural identity of India through filmic discourse; third, the cross-examination of the national, cultural, political, ethnic, and gender identity of individuals and communities in colonial and post-colonial India; fourth, the revisiting and reconstructing of the national history of India and complicating of the construction of nationhood through the portrayal of women’s 20 histories; and fifth, the portrayal of multiple experiences, narratives, cultures, desires, and identities in cross-cultural and intra-cultural levels (Lu 3). According to Jacqueline Levitin, transnational filmmaking is not a homogenous category and it does not exist in a vacuum.
Rather, she argues that it exists in symbiosis with the dominant and alternative cinemas and in constant negotiation between the global and the local at the moments of encoding of meanings and moments of decoding and re-coding. Viewing Mehta as a transnational filmmaker allows her films to be read and re-read not only as individual texts produced by authorial vision and generic conventions, but also as sites for intertextual, cross-cultural, and transnational struggles over meaning and identities” (Levitin 271). Therefore, Mehta’s questioning of patriarchal and religious traditions and nationalist discourses of women’s identity and sexuality and her critiquing of cultural politics through the depiction of sexual politics in the trilogy have engendered a lot of controversy and debates around Mehta’s authenticity of speaking about Indian culture and women.
I would like to point out that “authenticity” is a pitfall for transnational filmmaking practices since the role of a transnational filmmaker is complex (Banning and Levitin 281) because, on one hand, Mehta is expected to play a role as a native informant in the west, and on the other hand, her Canadian identity makes her an outsider from India where she was born. Concerning this complex position of transnational filmmakers, Levitin poses some important questions: “how can the transnational filmmaker avoid this pitfall? How can she situate herself in a particular culture while simultaneously aiming the film at an international market” (Levitin 273)? 21 According to R.
Radhakrishnan, there is no single way in which we can define authenticity or Indian because “when people move, identities, perspectives, and definitions change. If the category ‘Indian’ seemed secure, positive, and affirmative within India, the same term takes on a reactive, strategic character when it is pried loose from its nativity” (Radhakrishnan 207). Therefore, there is no singular version of authentic India which can rule over multiple experiences and perspectives about India and Indianness (Radhakrishnan 209). Moreover, the notion of authenticity tends to degenerate into essentialism; therefore, Radhakrishnan argues that we should address the problem of authenticity “alongside the phenomenon of relationality and the politics of representation” (Radhakrishnan 211).
Placing the controversy and the violent reception of Mehta’s films in the context of the growing religious fundamentalism and nationalism in the 1990s in India, I would like to argue that in the context of Mehta’s transnational filmmaking practices, the question of authenticity reveals an anxiety over the demand for unified cultural nationalism by the Hindu fundamentalist religious groups. Mehta’s transnational filmmaking practices have critically intervened in the dominant discourses of national identity, the construction of nationhood, and the imposition of women in this hegemonic construction, which may not be possible for Mehta by positioning herself in a singular national context. The multiple experiences, narratives, histories, and identities that Mehta has portrayed in her trilogy deconstruct any singular ethnocentric vision of history, culture, nationhood, and identity.
My interest in Mehta’s trilogy—Fire, Earth, and Water –grows out of the multiplicity, heterogeneity, and diversity in her filmic narratives. Specifically, the gender and sexual politics of women depicted in these three films powerfully critique the cultural nationalist and religious definitions of tradition, family, marriage, home, sense of belonging, culture, history, sexuality, 22 and identity in the Indian context, which enable the audience to make sense of the evolution of feminist politics in India through the narratives of film. Mehta’s contribution is not only its focus on counter-hegemonic discourses of patriarchal religious nationalism, but also it reframes transnational feminist practice within the core of diasporic and transnational media studies.
The portrayal of women’s domination and resistance and women’s articulation of multiple identities and sexualities in the particular context of colonial and post-colonial India, including the relation to a global politics of culture, capital, and identity, depicted in Fire, Earth, and Water, especially demonstrates the significance of transnational feminist practices in diasporic and transnational media studies. 23 Chapter 1: Nationalism and Religion: Women’s Bodies in Deepa Mehta’s Water In this chapter, I will examine Deepa Mehta’s approach to Indian patriarchal nationalist discourses which equate women and national identity, then exploit women as political tools to decolonize India.
I will also analyze the ways in which women–in particular, Indian upper caste Brahmin widows — were doubly exploited by the British “civilizing mission” (Chatterjee 118), on the one hand, and the neo-colonialist discourses of upper caste Hindu patriarchy and reformists on the other. The depicted time frame in Deepa Mehta’s 2005 film, Water–the 1930s in India–provides important historical, social, political, and cultural contexts to explore how women become a central issue in the political and ideological discourses of British, nationalist, and reformist agendas. The beginning of the twentieth century is significant for many reasons in understanding Indian history, and Mehta’s film seeks to untangle this history through her exploration of the narratives of women’s lives.
Water focuses on the ways in which the patriarchal nationalist and religious discourses construct ‘womanhood,’ ‘wifehood,’ and ‘widowhood’ in the context of social and political reforms and how these discourses discipline widows’ identity, sexuality, and desire. Addressing the social, religious, political, and cultural issues regarding widowhood, Mehta’s Water allows the audience to engage critically with the historical context of widows’ oppression and delineates an important aspect of the long-standing sexual control of women. At the same time, Mehta draws attention to the social and cultural roots of imagining India as predominantly an upper-caste Hindu and male-dominated nation by focusing on the ideological power of the Hindu religious scriptures and priests and on the patriarchal hegemonies of landlords and gentry (Lall 236).
My analysis is informed by the feminist critiques of nationalism as elitist and patriarchal and the religious disciplining of 24 women’s bodies and sexualities in both colonial and post-colonial India; both are problematized by Mehta in Water. Widow-burning was abolished in regulation XVII by the British government in India in 1829, and widows’ remarriage was legalized in 1856 by the efforts of social reformers such as Rammohun Roy and Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar (Bandyopadhyay 100). In spite of the laws and regulations, widow-remarriage was not socially accepted by the upper caste Hindu Brahmins because they considered widow-remarriage as “a deviation from the established moral- behavioural codes of Hinduism” (Bandyopadhyay 112).
Therefore, the efforts of social reforms by educated social reformers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century have not been very successful because of the dominance of upper caste, Brahmanical patriarchal ideologies in popular culture and among the general public in India (Bandyopadhyay 101). Water in its depiction of 1930s India portrays this historical background of nationalist movements against British colonialism in India. The Indian nationalist movement called for modernization and social change for the masses, but women’s status, especially widows’ social and economic status, remained unchanged because of the ideological and political interests of British and upper- class patriarchal nationalists.
Mehta’s film investigates the ways in which Hindu patriarchal and nationalist ideologies construct widows as ‘markers’ or ‘bearers’ of Indian cultural, religious, and national identity in order to revive their past and lost traditions. The Hindu Brahmins in this film promote this ideological construction of widows as symbols of Hindu identity through the imposition of religious ideologies of widows’ purity, chastity, and devotion to their dead husbands. For upper-caste Brahmins, issues regarding widows’ domination, forced celibacy, and sexual control become symbolic of authority over India’s religious, cultural, and national identity (Bandyopadhyay 109). 25
To investigate the relationship between the colonialist, patriarchal nationalist, and religious ideologies which enact control upon widows’ bodies and sexualities in the historical contexts of reform and nationalist movements in India, Mehta’s film addresses the following areas: a) the colonial and upper-caste nationalist aspects of the repression of widows, b) nationalist and reform movements regarding widow’s remarriage, and the controlling of widow’s sexuality and body, c) the construction of widowhood as social and sexual death and as abject by upper-caste Hindu patriarchy, and the role of Dharmashastra (religious scriptures) to reinforce and legitimize widows’ social vulnerability, d) the economic aspect of religion in disciplining widows’ bodies and dominating their sexualities and identities and e) widows’ identity, agency, and resistance against Hindu patriarchy and religious normativities.
Along with Mehta’s analysis of patriarchal nationalist and religious domination of widows’ bodies and sexualities, this chapter elucidates the ways in which Mehta chooses not to romanticize the issue of widows’ remarriage, nor does she construct widows as ‘victims’; rather, she depicts the social, cultural, religious and political violence inflicted on widows, which affect all women’s lives and identities, but do not, necessarily, eliminate all their agency to destabilize the patriarchal nationalist and religious discourses. However, this chapter also will address the limitations of Mehta’s depiction of liberal nationalism through the portrayal of Gandhi and Narayan as women’s saviours. It is important to examine the ways in which post-colonial India is constructed not only as a modern nation, but also “fundamentally a ‘Hindu’ nation” (Rao 318), given the recent rise of fundamentalist Hindu political organizations.
Though Gandhi’s anti-colonial and nationalist movements are different in nature from the Hindu fundamentalist initiated ‘Hindutva’ ideology, nonetheless, it is important to critique and analyze the ways in whic

Essay Summary of Water

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National Water Act.

Introduction
1.Definition of a Wetland
The National Water Act defines a wetland as land which is transitional between terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems. The water table in a wetland is usually very close to the surface; therefore the land is, at times, covered with shallow water supporting thousands of species, typically adapted to life in saturated soil (Agius, 2010). Wetlands in KwaZulu-Natal vary greatly according to topographic, hydrological and climatic influences. Wetlands can be referred to as swamps, marshes, estuaries, bogs, floodplains, vleis and pans.

The internationally accepted definition of a wetland includes “areas of marsh, fen, peatland or water, whether natural or artificial, permanent or temporary, with water that is static or flowing, fresh, brackish or salt, including areas of marine water, the depth of which at low tide does not exceed six meters,” (Dugan, 1993).
There are three unique characteristics that indicate whether an environment is a wetland or not. Firstly there must be a high water table, which acts as a hydrological indicator. Secondly hydric soils must be present, which acts as a pedological indicator. Finally hydrophytic vegetation must grow in the environment, which acts as a botanical indicator (James, 1979).
1.1 Function and Value of Wetlands
Wetlands have many functions and values man increasingly depend upon, due to their exponential population growth. Wetlands have hydrological functions, such as flood attenuation where they form natural floodways, aiding in the transportation of flood waters. Wetlands store water during floods, which is slowly released to downstream areas. Wetlands recharge and discharge ground water and can dissipate erosive forces.
Wetlands improve the quality of water by aiding in the removal of excess nutrients, chemical contaminants, sediments and numerous toxic substances (such as heavy metals and pesticides).
Wetlands also provide a habitat for a broad variety of plants and animals. In Natal 144 wildlife species are dependent on wetlands for their life requirements. Many of the animal species listed as endangered in South Africa are associated to wetlands. Wetlands have high tidal and inland productivity, which provide nutrients and are food sources to many species.
Lastly wetlands have various socio-economic functions which include providing recreational sites for fishing or hunting and they provide educational opportunities for observing and studying nature (Rosenburg, 1993).
2. THREATS TO URBAN WETLAND
The value of wetlands was not realised up until very recently. Prior to this they were not protected by law and therefore were frequently degraded and even destroyed by an increasing and continuous urbanisation and industrialisation of our planet. This damage continues to occur however due to the disregard for the legislation protecting these areas and the ignorance of the possible outcomes of the loss of these wetlands.
2.1 Physical Destruction
There are numerous threats to the sustainability of the wetlands existing today. An ever increasing global population and the resulting outcomes of this is the major hazard for the protraction of these precious regions. It leads to the growth of residential and commercial development which may occur near or over wetlands eventually leading to their destruction from activities such as levelling, dredging, draining, filling, removal of vegetation and restriction of flow in order to create additional land to be used for the purposes of construction (Hendricks, 2004).
2.2 Water Pollution
Human interference in or around wetlands brings about other activities which impact negatively on the wetlands and the ecology within. Pollution from dumping, littering, runoff and untreated stormwater and sewage diversion into a wetland, as well as from public recreational activities, alters the hydrology of the wetland and diminish the water quality. This results in groundwater contamination, poor soil conditions to facilitate vegetation growth, flora and fauna extermination as well as disruption of flow patterns (Agius, 2010 ).
2.3 Exploitation
Urbanisation also leads to the exploitation of the resources that wetlands offer. Water is pumped out of the wetland for various purposes such as for potable water and irrigation. These areas are also abundant in minerals and peat which are extracted as well as fish which are harvested excessively. If left unmanaged the sustainability of these wetlands may be at risk. Chemical contamination due to pest control is a secondary effect from these activities which reduces the conditions in which living organisms in the wetland can continue to exist (NSW Department of Natural (Resources, 2008), (MRSC, 2001).
3. WATER QUALITY
Biological communities, such as communities of benthic macroinvertebrates, can change due to habitat degradation, water quality degradation or both. Ecosystems in both rivers and estuaries are affected by water quality variables. These variables could be physical, which include turbidity, temperature and suspensoids; or chemical, which includes toxic and non-toxic variables. Toxic variables being: traces of metal and biocides, and non-toxic variables being: pH, conductivity, nutrients, organic enrichment and dissolved oxygen.
The quality of water can also be affected by the composition of the uMgeni estuary itself. The factors affecting water quality are namely, topography, geology, climate, land use and the type of soil found in the estuary (Eggers, 2007).
4. THE uMNGENI ESTUARY
An estuary, by definition, is a type of wetland located at the crossing point between two environments, viz. marine and fresh water environment, and is the most dynamic and productive ecosystem in the world (Ethekwini Municipality, 2010).
Figure 1. Aerial photograph of uMngeni River leading to uMngeni Estuary and out into the Indian ocean (Ethekwini Municipality, 2010)
Figure 2. Photograph of uMngeni Estuary (Ethekwini Municipality, 2010)
4.1 Description of the uMngeni Estuary
The uMngeni Estuary supported by the uMngeni River, which carries water from the Inanda Dam, flows into the Indian Ocean at Durban as depicted in Figure 1 (The River Health Programme, 2002). The uMngeni Estuary is a 230 ha, structurally modified, permanently open estuary which can be viewed in Figure 2. One of uMngeni Estuary’s most eye catching features is its Beachwood Mangrove, located on the northern bank – the fifth largest mangrove in South Africa (Ethekwini Municipality, 2010). The uMngeni Estuary is of both ecological and recreational importance – providing marine animals with a habitat as well as allowing for human sporting activities such as angling (South African River Health Programme, 2004). The mouth of this estuary, being permanently open, gives rise to a high salinity gradient, which brings about a diverse fish population. It houses 24 taxa of benthic macro-invertebrates, with polychaete Capitella capitata being the most prominent – a type of indicator species which detects organic pollution. There is also an abundance of birds at the estuary (Ethekwini Municipality, 2010).
4.2 Threats to the uMngeni Estuary
The uMngeni Estuary, like many other natural water sites, are susceptible to threats. Currently, the state of this estuary is classified as “highly degraded” by the eThekwini Municipality. uMngeni Estuary is situated in the eThekwini Municipal Area, an area home to a third of KwaZulu-Natal’s population; however, this population occupies only 1% of the province’s land area, creating a population over load and the need for urban expansion. Expansions along the coastal regions disrupt the estuarine environment causing degradation (Ethekwini Municipality, 2010). Other more serious threats include: canalisation of the uMngeni River, this results in the removal of habitats in the estuary region; the Inanda Dam regulating the flow of water, thus preventing the natural supply of sand entering to the river resulting in silting and the closing of the estuary; eutrophication as a result of nutrient additions; chemical and organic pollutants; invasive alien plant species and direct resource exploitation due to sand mining and over fishing (South African River Health Programme, 2004).
4.3 Reasons for Restoration
It is of importance that the uMngeni Estuary be restored to good condition for it is viewed as a biodiversity asset, providing key ecosystem services such as nursery area for fisheries, flood abatement, biodiversity refuge protection and recreation. Being located adjacent to Moses Mabhida Stadium and at the northern end of Durban’s beachfront, it is a zone of recreational activities as well as a tourist “hot spot” and it is therefore crucial that the condition of the estuary be enhanced to promote tourism and economic growth in South Africa. In addition, a good quality estuary would offer the local community, as well as visitors, the opportunity to engage in nature based activities in an urban landscape (ECO Systems, 2010).
5. POSSIBLE RESTORATION PROCEDURES
A damaged or degraded wetland is by no means useless or irreparable. In fact in many countries throughout the world damaged wetlands have successfully been restored such as the Tidal Wetlands at East Trinity, Cairns, Australia (Agius, 2010). After decades of being subjected to noxious sulphuric acid runoff, scientists were able to reverse the effects by gradually allowing sea water into the wetland using existing floodgates.
5.1 Considerations when Attempting Restoration
According to the Parks and Recreation Board for the City of New York, the key points to focus on when attempting the restoration of any wetland are the re-establishment of appropriate hydrological systems, soils and indigenous vegetation (Parks and Recreation, 2010). This can be achieved by a number of acts to undo the negative effects that were previously impacting upon the wetland. These acts include fill removal, fresh soil placement, invasive plant eradication and indigenous plant restoration, erosion control, stormwater, runoff and pollution management (Parks and Recreation, 2010).
5.2 Possible Mitigation Measures to Aid Restoration
Fill removal and soil replacement aims at land alterations that will assist in reforming previous ecologic conditions that existed within the wetland. The eradication or control of alien plants and the restoration of indigenous plants also assist with this revitalization. Stormwater, runoff and pollution can be eliminated and managed however long term pollution elimination can only be achieved through the efforts of the surrounding residents and industrialists. These people should understand the value of a wetland and therefore why conservation is crucial in order for them to behave in manner that does not result in further pollution (Casagrande, 1997).
During the restoration process it would be extremely beneficial to utilise indicators so as to monitor the quality of the water and thus the condition of the wetland as a whole. In this way the progress or lack thereof can be noted and this may give an idea of the way in which to proceed with the restoration process.
6. BIO-MONITORING AND RESTORATION
Human activities are continuing to increase yearly and this is placing pressure on wetlands. Many wetlands have already been destroyed due to urban and agricultural development. The remaining wetlands need to be monitored so that they remain functional. Efficient and accurate techniques are essential for the assessment of a wetland. There are four major factors in wetland degradation namely: altered water regime, habitat modification, pollutants and exotic species.
Monitoring may be defined as the collection and analysis of environmental data
(Biological, chemical, and/or physical) over a sufficient period of time and frequency to
determine the status or trend in one or more environmental parameters or characteristics toward meeting a management objective (Cale. 2004).
Wetlands are sensitive and need to be constantly monitored to remain balanced.
Monitoring wetlands provides information on the Biotic Integrity which is defined as “the ability to support and maintain a balanced, integrated, adaptive community of organisms having a species composition, diversity and functional organization comparable to that of natural habitat of the region.” (Garner 2002).
6.1 Types of Monitoring Methods
Digital change detection is used to spot visual changes over a landscape. Aerial photos are captured via satellite or aircraft. Images taken at different times are observed and changes in vegetation are noted any suspicious findings prompt further investigations.
Chemical and physical monitoring gives useful insight into the state of the water with the wetland. Samples of water are gathered and properties such as water depth, dissolved oxygen content, biochemical oxygen demand (BOD), ph levels, temperature and turbidity are determined and analysed to establish the status of the wetland. Toxicity tests are carried out in laboratories whereby a sample is taken from the wetland then screened and compared to that of controlled water to check for toxicity. Chemical monitoring provides information on toxic compounds but cannot provide early warnings (Michael 2010).
Biological Monitoring uses the responses of living organisms to determine the state of a wetland. Living organisms such as Algae, benthic macro invertebrates, vertebrates, phytoplankton etc are used as indicators of the wetland’s status these organisms are sensitive to change. Changes in their reproduction, growth, behavior etc are observed which gives insight with regards to what’s happening in that environment. Samples of these living organisms are taken and analyzed. Early warning systems can be developed whereby organisms from site are kept in a special on site laboratory and receive flow from the actual site, these organisms are monitored over time to note any behavioral and physical changes induced by anthropogenic stress. Early detection is key to restoring a balanced environment (NAVFAC, 2004).
6.2 Monitoring Restoration
Monitoring methods are not only useful for early detection they also aid in monitoring restoration processes. During restoration monitoring techniques can be used to collect data on soil, nutrient levels, plant and animal growth etc ,this data would indicate whether or not the restoration is successful. The restoration process must be under constant monitoring to ensure success.
7. BIO-MONITORING
Bio-monitoring, by definition, is a technique used to check the health of an aquatic ecosystem by using the density and relative abundance of resident organisms as an indicator (Day, J., 2000).
According to Rosenberg and Resh (1993), the “ideal’ indicator should have the following characteristics:
The indicator should be a taxonomically sound and be identifiable with ease
The indicator should have a wide spread population distribution
The indicator should be numerically abundant
The body size of the indicator should be large
The ecological requirements of the indicator should be known
Indicator should be suitable for the use in laboratory studies
7.1 Programmes Implementing Bio-monitoring
To increase the awareness and knowledge on the state of aquatic ecosystems across South Africa, The Department of Water Affairs (DWA) developed a programme, known as the National Aquatic Ecosystem Bio-monitoring Programme (NAEBP), for monitoring the health of aquatic ecosystems. This programme was later renamed the River Health Programme (RHP), which focused on the implementation and maintenance of bio-monitoring across South Africa. The RHP use invertebrates as one of the many organisms used for bio-monitoring (WRC, 2002).
7.2 South African Scoring System
Scoring Systems are used to allocate scores to different biotic groups, based on the organism’s sensitivity to pollution and environmental stress. For example, stoneflies and mayflies have high scores based on their abundance and presence. The South African Scoring System, better known as the SASS4, is based on macro-invertebrates, where taxa are assigned sensitivity scores according to their responsiveness to changes in the water quality. All biotopes are sampled to obtain an accurate reflection of the communities of macro-invertebrates and their corresponding sensitivities to deteriorating water quality. The sensitivity scores for all the communities are summed to give the sample score. The Average Score per Taxon (ASPT) is found by dividing the sample score with the number of communities found (Graham, M., 1998).
7.3 Habitat Assessments Aiding Bio-monitoring
For bio-monitoring to reflect the true condition of the river and estuary, a habitat assessment must be performed. An assessment of the habitat integrity must be performed before the assessment of the biotic integrity. A habitat assessment will aid the bio-monitoring in numerous ways, including finding appropriate sampling sites, provides basic information that will help interpret the bio-monitoring results and will help identify constraints on the potential of a site. The SASS4 recognizes 3 habitat assessment guides which could be used, namely, the Habitat Assessment Matrix (HAM) which looks at the impact of physical habitat degradation using a SASS score, the habitat assessment (HABS1) in which habitats are assessed based on biotopes used for sampling and Habitat Quality Index (HQI) which is very similar to the HAM (WRC, 2002).
8. BENTHIC MACRO-INVERTEBRATES
Benthic macro invertebrates (benthic = bottom, macro = large and invertebrates = animal without backbones) are animals without backbones that are larger than ? millimetre – a photograph of benthic macro-invertebrates can be viewed in Figure 3 below. These animals live in sediment, debris plants etc for at least part of their life. Benthic macro invertebrates include crustaceans such as crayfish, such as clams and snails, aquatic worms and the immature forms of aquatic insects such as stonefly and mayfly nymphs (DNR 2004).
Figure 3. Photograph of Benthic Macro-invertebrates
Benthic macro invertebrates are widespread and can live on all bottom types. They are found in wetlands, lakes ponds etc. most benthic species can be found the whole year round but numbers intensify during spring just before the reproductive season. Benthic macro invertebrates easily move around with the currents or by flying. Many species undergo metamorphosis then reproduce. Most of their lives are spent in water (Rosenburg,1993).
These organisms are an invaluable tool with regards to wetland monitoring and bio-assessments in general. When placed in harmful environments these organisms display “tell tale” responses, these responses help conservationists identify problems in the wetland.
8.1 Characteristics That Aid in Bio-Assessments
Benthic macro invertebrates have characteristic that aid in bio-assessments.
uThey are well dispersed and occur in most wetlands.
uShow different reactions to different types of pollution and other adverse effects.
uHigh life ps
uSampling of Benthic macro invertebrates is simple , does not require heavy equipment
The observation of benthic macro invertebrates provides important information that will prolong wetland health and increase sustainability. Their behaviour and availability aids conservationists to develop early warning signs and save wetlands.
9. THE USE OF BENTHIC MACRO-INVERTEBRATES IN BIO-MONITORING
Benthic macro-invertebrates possess all the ideal characteristics of a bio-monitoring indicator, as listed above by Rosenberg and Resh (1993). Benthic macro-invertebrates have been documented as one of the most valuable tools for bio-monitoring aquatic ecosystems and are widely chosen to evaluate the quality of surface waters. The types of bio-monitoring using benthic macro-invertebrates include surveillance and to ensure compliance (Richard, 2010).Surveillance surveys could be taken before and after the environmental impact or could also be taken to see whether water resource management techniques are effective or not. Benthic macro-invertebrates could be used to ensure immediate environmental requirements are met or used to control and monitor long term water quality (Townsend 1980).
9.1 Sensitivity of Benthic Macro-invertebrates to Environmental Stress
According to Rosenberg and Resh (1993), benthic macro-invertebrate display certain reactions, that are both biochemical and physiological, when confronted by an adverse environment. Exposure to impacted environments could even lead to deformities. Jeffrey and Madden (1991) found that other macro invertebrates have also had negative side effects, such as a decrease in the case building ability of the Agapetus fuscipes, a decline in the feeding rate of the amphipod Gammarus pulex and a change in the reproductive behaviour of the midge Chironomus riparius. Salanki (1986) noted that the populations of the macro invertebrates tend to drift down stream of the water body when faced with chemo-physical changes. Therefore the most common indicators of environmental stress in macro invertebrates are the changes in their growth, survival, population distributions and reproduction.
9.2 Advantages of Using Benthic Macro-invertebrates in Bio-monitoring
In this literature review benthic macro-invertebrates have been chosen as the biological indicator in the uMngeni Estuary, over other forms on macro invertebrates for numerous reasons. They occur and can survive in almost all types of habitats. There are various taxa of benthic macro-invertebrates that range in sensitivity to all kinds of environmental stresses and pollutants. Benthic macro-invertebrates are sedentary by nature, making it easier for them to pick up on approaching pollutants. Their life cycles are long enough to detect exposure to pollution and environmental stress, and the population will not recuperate so quickly that the harm will go undetected. Sampling the Benthic macro-invertebrates is a simple procedure and does not require complicated devices on site (WRC 2002).
9.3 Disadvantages of Using Benthic Macro-Invertebrates in Bio-monitoring
However, according to Rosenberg and Resh (1993), there are disadvantages to using benthic macro-invertebrates in bio-monitoring. There are certain environmental impacts that do not affect benthic macro-invertebrates. Water quality is not the only factor that effects their population distribution and abundance, the natural conditions of the habitat in which they live also plays an important role. Their population abundance and distribution varies across the seasonal changes, which can cause sampling problems. Fortunately, the problems discussed can be overcome with proper knowledge of the habitat predilections, life history and drift patterns.
10. Role Benthic Macro-invertebrates Will Play in Monitoring and Conserving uMngeni Estuary
10.1 Characteristics of the Benthic Macro-invertebrate Population that Indicates the Health Status of the Estuary
The surveillance of benthic macro-invertebrate communities, focusing on taxonomic composition and richness, is the most sensitive tool for effectively detecting changes in aquatic ecosystems, like the uMngeni Estuary. Therefore it is more beneficial to analyse the entire population of invertebrates as a whole rather than looking at individual taxa. Population characteristics, that could be used to detect environmental changes, include richness, diversity and interactions as a functional community. Community functions include productivity processes, decomposition and fluxes in nutrients and energy (Williams, 1990)
10.2How Feeding Groups Are Linked To the Composition of the Estuary
The analysis of the size and characteristics of various feeding groups of benthic macro-invertebrates can be linked to certain aquatic conditions and can give insight into the nature and composition of the estuary. According to Townsend (1980), these macro-invertebrates can be categorized into 4 major feeding groups, namely, grazers which feed of algae, shredders which feed of large particles of plant matter, collectors which feed on fine particles on the stream bed or filtering through the water and predators which feed on invertebrates, fish and other aquatic animals. Therefore if an unnatural increase in the number of grazers were found during the bio-monitoring, it could be concluded that there is an abnormal growth of algae in the estuary that could be due to an environmental stress or pollutant.
10.3. The Distribution of the Various Types of Benthic Macro-Invertebrates Along the uMngeni River Into the Estuary
The benthic macro-invertebrate population distribution in terms of the various feeding groups, with regards to the uMngeni River supplying the uMngeni Estuary, will be as follows. The upper part of the river will have course particulate organic matter. Here large population groups of shredders and predators can be found. In the middle reaches of the river, finer material can be found supporting collectors and grazers. In the lower reaches of the river and estuary the material found will be very fine and tend to settle as the current slows down. Here predominantly grazers can be. However the population distribution down the river into the estuary can be influenced by many abiotic factors, such as oxygen, current, substratum, concentration of dissolved chemicals and temperature. All these factors must be taken into consideration during the testing phase.
10.4. The Effectiveness of Using Benthic Macro-Invertebrates in Bio-Monitoring
Using benthic macro-invertebrates in bio-monitoring is one of the most effective ways to indicate an environmental impact. For example if toxins are flowing through the water of the river, a chemical investigation would not reflect the exact impacts as the toxins would be quickly washed downstream and out of the estuary. However there would be radical changes to the benthic macro-invertebrate populations for quite some time, even after the toxins have gone (Graham 1998). An investigation determined by Muirhead-Thomson (1987), showed that a community of benthic macro-invertebrates took 2 to 3 week to recover from the application of the insecticide, methoxychlor. This would give researchers ample time to find the exact impacts of a pollutant or environmental stress if implemented along the uMngeni River and into the estuary.
11. AREAS OF CONCENTRATION
Different species of invertebrates can be located at specific areas throughout the estuary as discussed in the previous section. It is therefore important to know which region of the wetland would be of particular significance in achieving the goal of restoration. The overall state of the water quality of the uMngeni Estuary is especially dependant on the condition of the freshwater being provided by the uMngeni River. It would thus be prudent to pay attention to the benthic macro-invertebrates that exist at the point where river and estuary meet and even further up along the river as well. In this way it may determined if considerable degradation is occurring before the water even enters the wetland. By monitoring and enhancing the condition of water in the river the quality of the water in the estuary can be enhanced (South African River Health Programme, 2004). Ultimately a large number of concentration areas should be chosen so as to obtain a general idea of the state of the estuary and whether conditions are improving or declining.
CONCLUSION
The uMngeni Estuary is an invaluable ecosystem in the Durban area that if left unprotected will be destroyed by pollution and exploitation. It is essential that efforts be made to restore this environmental treasure to a naturally functioning wetland devoid of human impaction. In correlation with the restoration procedure the utilisation of a bio-monitoring process is extremely useful in determining wether conditions in the wetland are improving. The most indicative organisms in bio-monitoring are benthic macro-invertebrates and for this reason their use in attempting to restore the uMngeni estuary would be of great benefit and worth to its survival.
REFERENCES
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National Water Act

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Scarcity of Water

Scarcity of Water.
Water scarcity involves water stress, water deficits, water shortage and water crisis. The concept of water stress is relatively new. Water stress is the difficulty of obtaining sources of fresh water for use, because of depleting resources. Some have presented maps showing the physical existence of water in nature to show nations with lower or higher volumes of water available for use. Others have related water availability to population. A popular approach has been to rank countries according to the amount of annual water resources available per person.
For example, according to the Falkenmark Water Stress Indicator a country or region is said to experience “water stress” when annual water supplies drop below 1,700 cubic metres per person per year. At levels between 1,700 and 1,000 cubic metres per person per year, periodic or limited water shortages can be expected. When water supplies drop below 1,000 cubic metres per person per year, the country faces “water scarcity” The United Nations’ FAO states that by 2025, 1. billion people will be living in countries or regions with absolute water scarcity, and two-thirds of the world population could be under stress conditionsThe World Bank adds that climate change could profoundly alter future patterns of both water availability and use,thereby increasing levels of water stress and insecurity, both at the global scale and in sectors that depend on waterAnother measurement, calculated as part of a wider assessment of water management in 2007,[6] aimed to relate water availability to how the resource was actually used.
It therefore divided water scarcity into ‘physical’ and ‘economic’. Physical water scarcity is where there is not enough water to meet all demands, including that needed for ecosystems to function effectively. Arid regions frequently suffer from physical water scarcity. It also occurs where water seems abundant but where resources are over-committed, such as when there is overdevelopment of hydraulic infrastructure for irrigation. Symptoms of physical water scarcity include environmental degradation and declining groundwater. Water stress harms living things because every organism needs water to live.

Scarcity of Water

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Analyze the By The Waters Of Babylon Essay

Analyze the By The Waters Of Babylon Essay.
By the Waters of Babylon is about a son of a priest & becoming priest by the name of John who goes on a quest to find himself & show he is worthy to become a priest. Just as in the movie “The Village” there are forbidden places enter into. It’s forbidden to go to any of the dead places except to search for metal & he who touches the metal must be a priest or son of a priest or they will die. John’s father takes him on a journey to search for metal & it is only after John touches the metal does his father sees that John is “truly his son and would be a priest.” As the time comes for John to become a priest, he has to undergo a “purification” rite. John’s father tells him to look into the fire and to say what he sees in his dreams. John sees a river, and, beyond it, a great Dead Place and in it the gods walking. His father calls this a “strong dream” that “may eat you up. ” He then makes his son promise not to travel to the east and cross the great river to visit the Place of the Gods for these places are forbidden to enter. His father sends him off on a spiritual journey but does not know he is going to the forbidden places of the Gods. As John prays & fasts he takes a journey through the forest for eight days and crosses the forbidden river Ou]-dis-sun.

He crosses it & does not die. Once John gets to the Place of the Gods, he steps on the ground & he does not burn. Instead, he only feels energy and magic. As he travels through the place of the Gods in search of food he sees a statue of what seems to be a “God” that says “ASHING” on its base. While being chased by dogs and finds a building with stories he climbs to get away from becoming food. John explores what seems to be an apartment he sees pictures, sculptures & things he has never known of. As he continues looking around he comes upon what he thinks is a dead God. Upon viewing the visage, he has an epiphany that the gods were simply humans whose power overwhelmed good judgment. After John returns to his tribe, he speaks of the places “New York” and “Biltmore”. His father tells him not to, for sometimes too much truth is a bad thing that it must be told little by little. The story ends with John stating his conviction that, once he becomes the head priest, “We must build again.”

Analyze the By The Waters Of Babylon Essay

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Blair Water Purifiers India

Blair Water Purifiers India.
Blair Water Purifiers India strategic marketing planning process Presented by : Reham Mohamed Moustafa Yara Shahwan Dian Zorkany Rania Zeid Tarek Zeid Strategic analysis ? The Audit Stage ? Scanning the External Macro environment ? Political legal ? Economic factors ? Sociocultural factors ? Technological factors ? Scanning the internal and external micro environment ? Internal-environment analysis ? External microenvironment analyses ? Demand forecast ? End Users needs ? Factors affecting consumer behavior ? Consumer buying decision process ? Competition analysis The market sales chart in 1996 ? The product mapping technique ? Weighted competitive strength assessment ? SWOT analysis ? TOWS analysis ? Setting objectives ? Setting Strategies ? Our suggestions ? Porter Generic Strategies ? Mckinsey matrix ? Ansoff Growth Strategy ? Segmentation ? Targeting ? Positioning ? Entry Strategy recommended Strategic analysis: Strategic planning precedes marketing planning by providing a framework within marketing plan might be formulated. Based on the assessment of: 1. Organizational capabilities 2. Threats from environmental forces 3.
Competitor’s strength and weaknesses 4. Customers’ needs 5. Demand This must be done through the following steps: The Audit Stage Step one: Scanning the External Macro environment: Any marketing strategy must develop out of a detailed understanding of the environment. This is important to: Identify organization’s strategic position. Decide on the future of the organization. Matching organizational resources and capabilities For scanning external environment we should use the PEST model, as it will scan the whole external environment to give management clues about strategic decisions [pic] pic] Chatterjee analysis in the two visits was centred only on the urban cities neglecting the rural ones and this is a drawback as the rural cities in India count for around 80% of the population, his purpose was to make recommendations on market entry and on elements of entry strategy. Political legal: • Chaterrjie confirmed that India is attractive to foreign investment through liberalization • Foreign companies were taxed on income arising from Indian operations and pay taxes on any interest, dividends and royalties received The government offer favourable tax treatment if foreign investors will locate on one of the free zones • Tax rate is higher than the USA, however the return on investment is higher than USA • Trademarks and patents were protected in India • Legislation in India was expensive and protracted that foreign firms prefer arbitration Our suggested improvements and comments: He should have analyzed the following: • Monopolies legislation: to hedge against any monopolistic actions that may appear in the future • Environmental protection law Employment law and this is important if the market entry will be joint venture or acquisition Economic factors: Chatterjee analysis completely missing the economic factors, as he didn’t analyze the Indian economy in any way He should have analyzed the following: • Interest rates • Inflation rate • Business cycles • Unemployment rates • Disposable incomes As these factors are important to give insights about the economic conditions and the economic growth for the next years so as to know whether the market is potential for entry or not
Sociocultural factors: Chaterjee identified his target market to be around 40 million households and he identified their needs and behaviour, but he missed identifying the whole sociocultural factors from the following perspectives: • Population demographics: population size, age distribution , religion ,social class are important factor to be analyzed by any firm before entering any market • Income distribution • Levels of education • Social mobility • Work and leisure time

These factors are important especially that the target market for him was the rich well-educated high social class so it’s important to identify this class and its growth Technological factors: Chatterjee analysis emphasized that technology was only available in large Indian cities; the lack of adequate distribution and communication infrastructure in rural India meant that any market entry would begin with larger Indian cities most likely in the west coast. But he should have analyzed many other aspects regarding this issue: • Government spending on research Government and industry focus on technological efforts • The speed of technology transfer • New discoveries and development • Rate of obsceneness Step two: Scanning the internal and external micro environment In this step we will start by analyzing the internal and external microenvironment then finalize it by the swat analysis, which was missing in chatterjee’s study. He ignored mainly the microenvironment regarding the suppliers, stakeholders and intermediary’s . He only analyzed consumers and competitors. [pic] 2-1 internal-environment analysis:
Employees: Blair Company employed over 4000 people with 380 having technical backgrounds and responsibilities Cash Flow: company sales revenue for 1996 would be almost $400 million with an expected profit close to $50 million Annual Growth in sales revenue: averaged 12% for the past 5 years Capital assets: ignored by Chatterjee Sales in the international division: would reach almost $40 million in 1996, about $70 million would come from Latin and south America, $30 million from Europe and $40 million from south Asia and Australia
Materials: ignored in the analyses though it’s important to scan the need materials for operation and theirs availability in the market, he only pointed that importing a few key components would be necessary at the start of the operations The Mckinsey 7 S model must be used here to finalize the step of internal marketing audit and this wasn’t done by chatterjee Mckinsey 7S [pic] By analyzing these 7S we can know the firm’s core competences and it’s competitive advantage, which can be augmented for new market entry. Check List for internal audit:
While doing internal audit for strategic analysis, we can also use the below check list to recognize the organization’s strength and weaknesses and it must be weighted because some weaknesses are of less importance than others , while other strengths are of more importance than others 2-2 external microenvironment analyses: Stakeholders: these were ignored in the analyses although it’s important to scan the stakeholders for the organization Suppliers: again it was ignored in the analyses, our suggestions that the analyses of the suppliers must have be done from the following perspectives:
Their number, their prices, their bargain power (if any), their strategic alliances with competitors (if any present), their distribution channels, their management structure Consumers and demand forecast: Consumer’s analysis is essential for any strategic planning as they are the main concern for the organization and this must be done through: Demand forecasting Consumers (end users needs) First: Demand forecast: Chatterjee estimated the market potential based on collecting unit sales estimates for a 10-year period for 3 similar product categories –vacuum cleaners, sewing machines and colour televisions.
In addition a Delphi based research firm had provided him with estimates of unit sales of Aquagard, the largest selling water purifier in India. Chatterjee had used the data in two forecasting models available at Blair Company along with three subjective scenarios -realistic, optimistic and pessimistic. But it was conservative as they described only first time sales not replacement sales and it only applied to industry sales in larger urban areas which was the present industry focus. Second End Users needs:
The target segment was around 40 million households plus those in another 4 million households that share common needs. They valued comfort and product choice. They liked foreign brands and would pay higher price for such brands. One thing that seemed certain was that many Indians felt the need for improved water quality. Folklore, newspapers, consumer’s activities and government officials regularly reinforced this need by describing the poor quality of water. Quality suffered especially during the monsoons and because of numerous leaks and unauthorized withdrawals from the water system
Better educated, wealthier and more health conscious consumers took steps to safeguard their family ‘s health and use water purifiers to purify the water all over the year. This is the target segment for Chatterjee. They are people who value comfort and product choice. They saw consumption of material goods as a way to a higher quality of life. o His analysis was missing forecasting the growth of this segment as his potential market is based on the educated aware segment but he missed forecasting the growth of this segment as the growth of the segment closely relates to the growth of the sales The analysis also missed a deeper look at the target segment. From our point of view, market survey should be conducted to show in details the target segment preferences, their demographics (age, social class, occupation, style of life) whether they like flavours to be added in the water or not, their ethnic direction, even their political views (if they are anti-Americans or not) as these factors may affect potential sales in the short and long terms . Consumers in the target market needs (according to Chatterjee) can be summarized as the following 1) Product performance to remove sediments, bacteria and viruses ) Purchase price this is only concern for consumers who boiled water who count for 50% of the target market 3) Ease of installation 4) Warranty and availability of financing for purchase Factors affecting consumer behaviour: We should analyze the uncontrollable and controllable factors affecting the Indian consumer behaviour, the uncontrollable factors are the sum of the macro environment analysis (PEST) but the controllable factors reflect the marketers efforts in designing the 7 PS in a way that make the product convenient for the consumer so from the analysis of the target market done by chatterjee.
Also there are other factors like motivation, life style, consumer perception and attitudes towards the product From the consumer analysis we can summarize that consumers in the target market need product of high quality, medium price (to be able to target a wider segments especially in the rural areas as they count 80% of the population and if they were successfully penetrated this will result in huge sales), ease of installation, warranty is needed, the emphasis on the need of healthy life style and better water will be a motive for consumers to buy the product.
For consumer analysis, we suggest that he should have used also the decision making process to know exactly what are the forces that affect the consumer’s buying behaviour Consumer buying decision process: [pic] So according to this model we should analyze how consumers in India become aware of the water problem and so the need for purifiers is recognized, then from where consumers get the information (from magazines, newspapers, reference groups) , then how they evaluate alternatives (based on price or quality or warranty or capacity ,,,,) . Then the purchase and post purchase evaluation Competition analysis:
It is very important for any strategic marketing plan to deeply analyze competition especially when it is done for new market entry Steps of Product /Market analysis 1. Identifying the generic need satisfied by the product categories (The need for improved water quality) 2. Identify the product categories (types / Classification) The need for water purifiers for household 3. Identify the specific product-markets Water purifiers, candle filters 4. Identify the product-variants (brands) competing with each other. Chatterjee analyzed the competition in a detailed way, which can be summarized in the following: The market sales chart in 1996: Product |Price |Strength (competitive advantage) |Weakness | |Aquaguard |RS 5500 |Huge personal selling force |Needs electricity | | | |Sales calls |Enormous fixed costs for sales efforts | | | |TV commercials |(100-120 millions on sales commissions | | | |Magazines and newspapers advertising |only) | | | |Advertising expenditures RS 1 million |No storage capacity | | | | |Slow flow rate | | | | |Stop functioning at 190 volts | | | | |Couldn’t eliminate strong odours | |Puresip |RS 2000 |Water could be stored safely for later usage |Promotional tools was limited as it was | | | |Doesn’t need electricity |sold only by small no of independent | | | | |dealers | |Zero B |RS 2000 +RS 200 |3 stage purification process |Lack of onsumer’s awareness | |(Puristore) |yearly |Prevent iodine deficiency diseases |No heavy advertisement | | | |Water can be stored up to 8 hours |No sales efforts | | | |No electricity or plumbing is needed |Limited distribution | | | |Store 20 litters of water | | | | |TV advertisements and point of sales brochures | | | | |Marketing expenditure RS 3 millions | | |Aquarius |RS 4000 |Remove sediments, heavy metals, bacteria, fungi|Life of the device was listed as 40000 | | | |No electricity is needed but need water |liters | | | |pressure | | | | |Heavy advertising (TV, magazines, newspapers) | | | | |Perfect design | | | | |Superior distribution channels | | | | |Knowledgeable personnel | | | | |3000 independent dealers | | |Delta brand | |More eye pleasing design | | |Alfa Water |RS 4300-RS 6500 | | | |purifies | | | | |Spectrum |RS 4000 | |Remove only suspended sediments not heavy | | | | |metals or bacteria | |Water Doctor |RS 5200 |Third stage ozonator to kill bacteria | | | | More attractive countertop 6-12 litre | | | | | | | | | | | | |Candle Filters | | | | |(Bajaj ) | | | | The analysis shows that the market is Oligopolistic structure The product mapping technique: Quality Puristore Puresip Aquaguard Weighted competitive strength assessment:
We should do the weighted competitive strength assessment in the analysis to be able to see the relative importance of key success factors and the relative strength of each competitor on each of these factors |Key success factor |Weight | | O | T | |-Poor water quality in India as a result of infrastructure. |- Competition in India market regarding water purifies. | |-Reinforcement of government officials and newspapers to improve water | | |quality. Regarding Eureka Forbes | |-Life styles of Indians that value comfort and product quality choice. | | |-Ineffectiveness of traditional methods in bacterial and viruses’ elimination. |Huge sales force that highly motivated and well managed. | |-Liberalization and opened Indian economy to foreign investment. |- Tremendous brand equity. | |-Market in India requires more than one design. | | |-skilled labor in India was around Rs. 20to Rs. 25 per hour less than if |Regarding Ion Exchange. | |compared to that in USA. | |-The weak strategic component of Aqua guard |-ZERO-B purifies marketing efforts will intensify to increase awareness | |-No filter or purifies in India market can remove iron contamination to a |-New advertising program to increase awareness. | |satisfactory level. | | |-No company in India target rural areas. |Regarding Singer. | |* lack of consumer awareness of the consumers of the ZERO-B | | |*the upper middle class households prefer high price and high quality for |-It was superior in comparison to other primitive products in the markets| |foreign brands |in design and distribution channels | TWOS ANALYSIS | | | |Past Huge success of Blair company. | -Product should be worked by | | |-Brand name in USA. |electricity | |Internal elements |-Regarding water purifies company | | | |experts as superior in term of quality|-Lack of sales office in India. | | |and performance. |*lack of sales force | | |-High technology that certified by | | | |WHO. – Product name (Delight) not knowing | | |- Design distinguished from |it might infringe on any existing | | |competitors |brand in India. | | |-Blair Company employee (4000 people | | | |with 380 having technical background) |-They still faced major issues in | | |-Strong financial position |configuring technologies into physical| | |*sales in the international division |products. | |reach almost $ 140 million in 1996 | | | |* Deligth has a distinguish western | | |External elements |design | | | |*the option of using battery is | | | |available | | | |Strategic options | | |-Poor water quality in India as a |S-O* using high technology that is |W-O | |result of infrastructure. certified by WHO to satisfy the need |*We can use the low cost skilful | |-Reinforcement of government |for pure water in India |labour in India to overcome the | |officials and newspapers to improve |*Using the strong financial and |shortage of sales force in India | |water quality. |international division to build up an | | |-Life styles of Indians that value |opportunity in the liberalized Indian | | |comfort and product quality choice. |market | | |-Ineffectiveness of traditional |* Using the high tec. to attack the | | |methods in bacterial and viruses’ |Aquaguard weak strategic components | | |elimination. * Using the high quality products to | | |-Liberalization and opened Indian |satisfy the needs of the upper middle | | |economy to foreign investment. |class | | |-Market in India requires more than | | | |one design. | | | |-skilled labor in India was around | | | |Rs. 20to Rs. 5 per hour less than if | | | |compared to that in USA. | | | |-The weak strategic component of | | | |Aquaguard | | | |-No filter or purifies in India | | | |market can remove iron contamination | | | |to a satisfactory level. | | |-No company in India target rural | | | |areas. | | | |* lack of consumer awareness of the | | | |consumers of the ZERO-B | | | |*the upper middle class households | | | |prefer high price and high quality | | |for foreign brands | | | |*to trade up the users of candle | | | |filters to a better safer product | | | |- Competition in India market |S-T |W-t | |regarding water purifies. |*Using the high technology to compete |*we must try to cope the product tec. | | |with the other brands |with India to be able to overcome the | |Regarding Eureka Forbes. *Using the western design to compete |Indian market competition | | |with competitors | | |-Huge sales force that highly | | | |motivated and well managed. | | | |- Tremendous brand equity. | | | | | | | |Regarding Ion Exchange. | | | | | | |-ZERO-B purifies marketing efforts | | | |will intensify to increase awareness | | | |-New advertising program to increase | | | |awareness. | | | | | | | |Regarding Singer. | | | | | | | |-It was superior in comparison to | | | |other rimitive products in the | | | |markets in design and distribution | | | |channels | | | Step three: Setting objectives: The main objective is to consolidate the Indian market and stimulate tremendous growth, as the situation in India is attractive for foreign investment and considered to be a window of opportunities The objective is smart as it is specific, measurable, achievable, realistic and time framed Step Four: Setting Strategies:
Based on the above situational analysis, we can now choose the strategies that will be used to achieve Blair Company’s objectives According to Chatterjee, he identified two entry strategies • Skimming strategy: which means high price (RS 5900) and high quality Where the product design would be superior with higher performance and quality, longer warranty period, more features and more attractive appearance • Penetration strategy: which means low price (RS 4400) and lower quality Our suggestions: First: Porter Generic Strategies [pic] Using Porter’s Generic Strategies, since the competitive scope is broad and competitive advantage is higher cost. We suggest using Differentiation strategy to enter the Indian market . y using the high technology strength of the Blair Company, the product must be high performance regarding to quality and western unique design. Second: using Mckinsey matrix: [pic] Since the competitive position of the firm is considered strong due to high technology and strong financial position and the market is attractive, we suggest adopting the Protect Position strategy where the company has to invest to grow at maximum digestible rate and concentrate efforts in maintaining strength From our strategic point of view Blairwater must enter the Indian market by acquisition (high investment) using the low cost Indian labour force and the liberalized investment atmosphere in India. Third Ansoff Growth Strategy: [pic]
According to Ansoff growth strategy matrix, Blair Water Purifier Company will adopt the Market Development strategy as the market is new but the product is the existing product. Regardless that the product must have some modifications regarding the Indian market, for example it may need extra purifying stage that the Indian water require, may be a whistle that tells the purifiers users that the unit is functioning probably, a small battery to operate the filters for several hours in case of a power failure (a common occurrence in India and other LDCS) or even permitting users to add fluoride, vitamins or even flavourings to their water. Step Five: STP (Segmentation, Targeting and Positioning) [pic] 5-1 Segmentation:
Previously we focused on approaches to environmental, customer and competitor analysis, and the frameworks within which strategic marketing planning can best take place. Against this background we now turn to the question of market segmentation, and to the ways in which companies need to position themselves in order to maximize their competitive advantage and serve their target markets in the most effective manner. In Blair’s company case Chaterjee analyzed his target market to be the better educated, wealthier, and more health-conscious consumers who took steps to safeguard their family’s health hand often continued these steps years around.
By estimation Chatterjee thought it would be around 40 million, these consumers were similar in many respects to consumer in middle and upper class households in the US and European Union who valued comfort and product choice they saw consumption of material goods as a mean to a higher quality of life, they liked foreign brands and would pay a higher for such brands He reached the conclusion that his target market is these 40 million households plus those in another four million households who had similar values and lifestyles Chatterjee divided the target segments 40 million as follows: *50 % from the target market boil water *10% from the 50% filter the boiling water *40% used a mechanical device in improving water divided to consumers who use candle filters and consumers who use water purifiers *10 % remaining consumers who know nothing about the problem and if they know they don’t want to pay There are three marketing distinct approaches to marketing strategy which exist such as 1 Undifferentiated or mass marketing Product-variety or differentiated marketing 3 Target or concentrated marketing These are well illustrated in Figure Marketing segmentation: Dividing the total market into different units, the units are heterogynous with each other We see that chatterjee divided the market using the following 4 segmentation factors into 4 segments: He used the demographics (age) , social class (to show the buying power ,income and education ),Family size (to show the demand volume ) ,geographic (between rural and urban ) and volume of usage 5-2 Targeting: Choosing one or more segment Chatterjee chooses segment 1,2 and 3 and ignored segment 4 5-3 Positioning:
Positioning is determined according to the price strategies that Chatterjee mentioned whether if it skimming or penetration, product design for the skimming strategy would be noticeably superior with higher performance and quality longer warranty period, more features and more attractive appearance than the design of the penetration There are several positioning possibilities performance and taste, value for the money/low price, safety, health, convenience, attractive styling, avoiding diseases and health related bills and superior American technology. The only position he considered taken in the market was that occupied by Aquaguard protect family health and service at your doorstep.
According to the differentiation entry that we selected, the positioning should be Superior American technology and design, performance and taste. Due to the three segments that we mentioned above, Chatterjee must design three different marketing mix as shown below: Model of smaller capacity for segment 1, model for larger capacity for larger houses for segment 2 and 2 models for segment 3 that would remove iron, calcium and other metallic containments that were peculiar to particular regions, for example Calcutta. Question 2: The 3 ways to enter the Market: • Joint working arrangement • Joint venture company • Acquisition Main three Factors while selecting the best entry method: Litigation Problems could extend a case for easily a generation • Foreign companies were taxed on Income arising from Indian operations • The foreign company should pay taxes on also any interest, dividends, and royalties received and on any capital gains received from a sale of assets. Licensing Consideration: Chatterjee Analysis • Blair Company Financial Position will be minimal • Expenses: 30,000 in capital for production facilities and equipment , another $ 5,000 for office facilities • Annual fixed costs should not exceeds $ 40,000 • these investments would be offset by the Licensee’s payment to Blair company for technology transfer and personnel training • Decrease of annual fixed costs to $ 15000 once Indian national are hired, trained and left in charged • Duties of the Indian Labor will include seeing how the units are produced in USA with Blair company specification. The licensee would pay to Blair company around 280 R. S for each unit solid in the domestic market and 450 R. S for exported units, so the average will be around 300 R. S Licensing Analysis Brief: • Indian company would manufacture and market the product. • Licensee fees would be remitted to Blair company per unit basis over the term of the agreement Licensing Definition: A contractual agreement whereby a multinational marketer (the licensor) makes available intangible assets – such as patents, trade secre ts, know-how, trademarks, and company name- to foreign companies in return for royalties or other form of payments Licensing Pros and Cons: Pros: • Quick and easy way to enter the market. Could be the only way to open the market. • Provides life extension for products in the maturity stage of their life cycles. • Is a good alternative for foreign productions and marketing? • Royalties are guaranteed and periodic. • Licensing can overcome high transportation costs which make some exports noncompetitive in export market. • Licensing is immune to expropriation. Cons: • No full control over production and marketing. • Royalties are negligible compared with equity investment potential. • There is a danger of creating competition in third country, or even home country markets if the licensee violates territorial agreement. Joint Venture/ Acquisition: Chatterjee Analysis: Financial investment and annual fixed costs would be higher and depnd on the scope of operations. • Estimates of annual fixed expenses via acquisition would be same for joint venture • Estimates for the investment might be considered higher/lower depend on what will be purchased. • Assumption where made on the skimming, penetration pricing strategies Joint Venture Brief: • Blair company will be a partner with an existing Indian company specially for manufacturing and marketing the product • Profits will split between the two companies according to their agreement Acquisition Brief: • Blair company will purchase an existing Indian company • Profits will belong to Blair company Join Venture Definition:
A long term partnership between two or more companies sharing equity and risk with the purpose of making profits in a target market. Pros: • Potential for higher profits. • More control over production and marketing. • Better market feedback. • More experience in international marketing. Cons: • Great investment of capital. • Higher level of risk. • Potential conflicts between partners. Acquisition Definition: Ownership by the international firm in foreign markets Pros: • Maximum profits. • Full control over production and marketing. • Better market feedback. • Great experience in international marketing • Integration of operations on a worldwide basis. Cons: High capital and management resources requirements. • Higher risk of expropriation Why Acquisition is the better entry way for Blair Company : Based on all the mentioned analysis we have found that the Acquisition will be the best entry way due to all the acquisition pros the maximum profits, the full control and the better market feedback. In addition it will avoid the Licensing problems example no control over production and marketing as the Indian labor will know how the units are produced and their specifications as they must be trained in order to reduce the cost as the Indian Labor cost is less than the American Labor cost. Therefore, this is considered a negative point;
As for the joint venture it is not considered a good entry way as in India the Litigation Problems could extend a case for easily a generation in addition to the higher level of risks and the potential conflicts between partners. ———————– WEAKNESSES Areas of relative disadvantage that: Indicate priorities for marketing improvement Highlight the areas and strategies that the planner should avoid OPPORTUNITIES Environmental trends with positive outcomes that offer scope for higher Levels of performance if pursued effectively: Highlight new areas for competitive advantage THREATS Trends within the environment with potentially negative impacts that: Increase the risks of a strategy Hinder the implementation of strategy Increase the resources required
Reduce performance expectations STRENGTHS Areas of (distinctive) competence that: Must always be looked at relative to the competition If managed properly, is the basis for competitive advantage Derive from the marketing asset base S3 Adults 25-45 Social class A, B High income Healthy life style Regions with iron contaminants S4 Adults 25-45 Rural areas Social class c Low income Low infrastructure S2 Adults 25-45 Social class A, B High income Healthy life style Large family size Big houses High volume usage S1 Adults 25-45 Social class A, B High income Healthy life style Small family size Flats residence Low volume usags1e Project content [pic] Submitted to Dr Usama Saleh

Blair Water Purifiers India

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Water

Marketing Strategy of Fiji Water Company

Marketing Strategy of Fiji Water Company.
Introduction FIJI Water LLC is a U. S. based company, that market its famous brand in more than a dozen countries out of its bottling plant located in the Fiji Islands. The product concept was developed in the early nineties by David Gilmour, the Canadian-born owner and founder of Fiji’s renowned Wakaya Island Resort. 1 As of 2008, FIJI Water marketed its bottled mineral water in about a dozen countries in North America, Asia, Europe and the Middle East. It was marketed as FIJI Natural Mineral Water in Europe and as FIJI Natural Spring Water in Australia.
The two main markets for the product were the United States and Australia. At the same time, the company’s relationships with the Fiji government were at the lowest point. The government accused FIJI Water of transfer price manipulations and seized hundreds of containers carrying FIJI brand. The company’s tax- free concession granted by the Fiji government for 13 years in 1995came to an end in October 2008 and the company will be required to pay corporate tax in Fiji. The new water resource tax, although much lower than the draconian 20-cents-a-litre excise, still will adding about FIJI$1 million to its cost every year.
In other hand, the company was making efforts to live up to its good corporate citizenship claim by focusing on its contributions to the local communities. In the following report you will find my selected analysis of the FIJI Water Case Study. I have chosen to respond to Question 2: What factors contributed to the marketing success of FIJI Water? And Question 5: Are the FIJI government’s concerns about the “negative” contribution of the FIJI Water to the local environment justified?

Does the company do enough to improve its relations with the FIJI government and the local community? What else should it do to improve those relations? What factors contributed to the marketing success of FIJI Water? 1 James McMaster and Jan Nowak, “Natural Waters of Viti Limited-Pioneering a New Industry in the Fiji Islands,” Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management, 9:2,2003 (Special Edition on Management Case). FIJI Water’s International Market Expansion FIJI Water global trends in bottled water consumption and demand were very important.
Since more than 90 per cent of all the FIJI Water was exported, the sales of FIJI Water in the domestic market were very small. In 2007, Eurpoe and North America were the biggest regional markets for bottled water, accounting for 30. 9 and 30. 7 per cent of the world’s sales volume, respectively. Asia accounted for 24. 3 per cent and the rest of the world accounted for 14. 1 per cent. 2 FIJI Water had made its strategy revolve around capturing international market opportunities and strongly positioning the brand in large and growing markets for bottled water.
Conquering the U. S. Market The United States is the very first and important international market that FIJI Water launched. Due to its light mineralization, FIJI Water was characterized by a smooth taste and no aftertaste. The light mineralization also gave the water a clean, pure taste. Many U. S. consumers instantly liked the taste of the water and, having tried it, repurchased the product in preference to the more mineralized waters. Also the company continued to educate the consumer about main advantages over other bottled water brands. 3
The successful marketing equation plays an important role in the product content. One of the important elements was packaging. The packaging is the first thing that comes to the customer’s eye. For many years, all bottles containing natural water were the same—round, with paper labels. Packaging, one of the most fundamental ways to differentiate a product, was not used as such a toll in bottled water markets. Over the last decade, both companies and consumers had discovered the power of packaging in bottled water brand positioning and imagery.
Similarly to packaging, FIJI Water’s price was higher than that of most brands offered to U. S. consumer; people all believe that a premium-price policy reinforced the product’s high-quality image. Another important factor that had contributed to FIJI Water’s success in the U. S. market was its distribution. Having good distributors was important in that it enabled the brand to be well placed in and readily available to the market. Building an image of the high quality, uniqueness and class of the product was another aspect of this successful marketing campaign.
The successful launch of FIJI Water in the United States was attributed to a skilful marketing strategy and the high quality of the people who drove the initial marketing campaign. 4 The company made people believes that FIJI Water was much more than just pure, good-testing liquid; it was also a promise of good health, refinement, status, and exclusivity. It evoked images of unspoiled natural beauty and purity. It was a tropical paradise captured in a bottle. 2 “The Global Bottled Water Market. Report 2007,” Beverage Marketing Corporation, January 2008. www. fijiwater. com. 4 Paul Yavala, “Fiji Water Travels,” The Fiji Times, November 2000, P. 4. Relations with the FIJI Government The “negative” contribution to the local environment—Tax Issues Fiji Water appeared to provide little direct benefits to government revenue because of the tax-free status granted by earlier governments The success of FIJI Water was very evident to all citizens of Fiji as they observed the large number of trucks transporting containers of bottled water to the ports of Lautoka and Suva using the Queens highway.
One could argue that the damage caused to the national roads and bridges by the huge number of heavily laden trucks carrying FIJI Water might have exceeded the road and fuel tax, and that the citizens of Fiji were subsidizing FIJI Water. Based on FIJI Water’s export levels, the new export tax would result in the company paying many millions to the government coffers. In 2006, FIJI Water exported 119,000,000 litres of bottled water to the United States. Appling a tax of 20-cents-per-litre, FIJI Water will be paying the government FJ$24 million just for its exports to one market. FIJI Water and the nine other companies immediately mounted a campaign against the new tax. They first threatened to cease production and to lay workers off. They argued that this sudden decision by the Cabinet was made without thorough analysis of the economic costs and benefits. They also pointed out that it would undermine the government’s economic development strategy that was based on increasing the level of investment and export-oriented growth. A critical issue was the likely impact of this new tax on both foreign and local investment.
Behind the scenes, the bottlers were very active in seeking the support of the media and key decision makers, trade unions, village leaders and local chiefs as well as lobbying interim ministers and members of the Military Council. On July25, 2008, the Fiji government made an announcement that it had decided to drop the new tax. Immediately after the announcement of the repeal of the tax, the major bottled water-exporting companies resumed production and re-employed the hundreds of workers who had been laid off. 0 In November 2008, the Fiji government re-introduced the disputed water tax as part of the 2009 budget in a different form. It was called “water resource tax” and was progressive depending on the amount of water extracted. FIJI Water’s tax-free concession granted by the Fiji government for 13 years in 1995 came to an end in October 2008, and the company will be required to pay corporate tax in Fiji. The new water resource tax, although, much lower than the draconian 20-cents-a-litre excise, is nevertheless likely to erode the company’s profitability by adding about FJ$1 million to its costs every year.
This is expected to coincide with a slow-down of growth or even stagnation of FIJI Water sales in its main markets due to the global recession. 5 FIRCA Press Release, July 21,2008, www,frca,org,fj/docs/firca/press_release/Press Release 21. 07. pdf Transfer Pricing In January 2008, the government became concerned that FIJI Water was engaging in transfer price manipulations, selling the water shipments produced in Fiji at a very low price to the company headquarters in Los Angeles.
A press release by FIRCA, issued in January 2008, noted that FIJI Water had received advice from international law firm Baker ; McKenzie, which conducted an economic study on transfer pricing and declared what the company was doing in Fiji was fair. FIRCA rejected the claim by stating that: “FIRCA will not passively accept the verdict of Baker ; McKenzie without itself having access to the information on which same is based, and to the instructions on which same is based, and without the opportunity to conduct its own transfer pricing study based on such matters and upon the profitability of Natural Waters of Viti Limited. 6 Relations with the local community Establishing and maintaining good relations with the five neighboring Fijian villages that were the traditional landowners of the Yaqara basin, where the bottling plant was located is very important. FIJI Water had established an excellent work environment with good interpersonal relationships among the workforce. In other hand the company also supported children’s education, provided the pre-schools with equipment, educational material, teacher training and other support.
In March 2002, the company voluntarily established an independently administrated community development trust fund and allocated FJ$275,000 to it. The Trust provided founds for developing the infrastructure, expertise and skills needed to supply clean, safe and sustainable water to more than 100 communities, schools, health centers and nursing stations throughout Fiji. 7 Maintaining good relations with the Fiji government will be vital. A series of ads sponsored by FIJI Water, placed in the popular daily Fiji Times in late 2008 and early 2009, was focused on letting the public and the overnment knows how good a corporate citizen the company is. The ads highlighted FIJI Water’s contribution to creating new jobs, improving education and raising standards of living in Fiji. FIJI Water was making efforts to live up to its good corporate citizenship claim. But is it enough to dispel government officials’ and ordinary citizens’ doubts about FIJI Water’s positive contribution to the local economy and community? 6 “Press Release,” Fiji Islands Revenue ; Customs Authority, January 11, 2008, p. 3. 7 www. fijiwater. com

Marketing Strategy of Fiji Water Company

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Water

Water Supply Project Brief

Water Supply Project Brief.
Contents Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 1 Task……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 2 List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 3 TASK2 1. 1Project Title4 1. 2Introduction4 1. 3Project Location Map5 1. Terms of Reference6 1. 4. 1Project Details6 1. 4. 2Reporting Structure6 1. 4. 3Personnel Duties7 1. 5Schematic Layout7 2. 1DELIVERABLES8 2. 1. 1Dam8 2. 1. 2Water Treatment Works9 2. 1. 3Elevated Steel Tank10 2. 1. 4Water Transmission10 2. 1. 5Metering11 3. 1Project Management Process12 3. 1. 1Initiating12 3. 1. 2Planning12 3. 1. 3Executing13 3. 1. 4Controlling14 3. 1. 5Closing14 List of references…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 16 List of Annexure
Annexure 1 – Project Budget Annexure 2 – Work Breakdown Structure Annexure 3 – Project Network Diagram Annexure 4 – Project Gantt Chart Annexure 5 – Project Summary TASK You are a consultant of a firm that has won a tender to develop a turnkey water project in Kajiado County. Using necessary tools including Ms Project prepare a WBS, and do a schedule of project tasks, their resources and assume a tracking of the project progress. Hence do a status report in a PDF file. The completed work should not exceed 20. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS WBS- Work Breakdown Structure
WARMA – Water Resource Management Authority NEMA – National Environmental Management Authority ToR – Terms of Reference GI – Galvanized Iron RCC – Reinforced Cement Concrete 1. 1Project Title Proposed Water Supply Project in Kajiado Town 1. 2Introduction A project is one-time, multitask job with a definite starting point, definite ending point, clearly defined scope of work, a budget and usually a temporary team. A project is therefore a series of activities which are meant to achieve particular goals or objectives using specified resources and in a specified period of time.

A turnkey project refers to a project that is built and handed over ready for use. The proposed water project in Kajiado County being a turnkey project will entail the consultant to take up construction from the initial stages of the project and hand it over when water has been connected to individual residents and/or users. Kajiado town lies at the intersection of the Nairobi – Kajiado road along the A 104 highway, and the railway line that serves Magadi Soda Company in Magadi. The town is situated 80 KM South of Nairobi. It is the administration centre for Kajiado County.
Kajiado Town has a mean annual rainfall ranging from 450mm to 900mm. The major rivers found in Kajiado are among others Athi River, Ewaso Ngiro South River, Olekejuado River, Nool-Turesh River, Esokota River. The project involves construction of a dam along Olekejuado River, a water treatment plant, an elevated tank, a generator room, water transmission and distribution lines and water meter chambers. The presenter intends to use tools of Project Management Information Systems including MS Project 2010 software in achieving the implementation framework.
The paper will be guided by Project Management processes of Initiating, Planning, Executing, Controlling and Closing to achieve set deliverables of the proposed project. 1. 3Project Location Map Figure1 – Map of Kajiado County 1. 4Terms of Reference This contractual document outlines the terms and conditions for the contracted project team. The process of initiating a project starts when the Client contacts the Contractor either with an already drawn ‘Terms of Reference’ or with intent for a joint process in drawing the Terms of Reference. 1. 4. 1Project Details
EmployerMinistry of Water and Irrigation Funding agencyGovernment of Kenya (Development Vote) EngineerGeneral Manager (Design & Construction) ConsultantsKiama Consortium Limited Contract No. MOWI/001/2011-2012 Contract Area20 Square Kilometres Water Meters2000 Residents Contract Value (USD)USD 2,000,000 Capacity Required2,000,000 Litres/day ContractorPentacon Limited Award Date2 December 2012 Commencement Date1 January 2013 Completion Date4 October 2015 Project Duration2 Years 1. 4. 2Reporting Structure 1. 4. 3Personnel Duties The following will be the Key personnel for the project: Project Manager – Overall supervision of the project ?Financial Controller – Financial supervision ?Human Resource Officer – staff recruitment ?Procurement Officer – acquisition of resources (material) Monthly and Quarterly reports will be submitted to the client. The monthly report shall be submitted by the 5th of every month while quarterly report shall be submitted after every three months of the project duration. 1. 5Schematic Layout 2. 1DELIVERABLES Deliverables are the end results or outputs of undertaking a project. They may include reports, manuals, actual working systems or actual products.
In this project deliverables include a dam, a water treatment plant, an elevated water tank, water distribution mains and water meters. 2. 1. 1 Dam ?Diversion of River The dam is designed to hold 10,000, 000 liters of water at its full capacity. The dimensions shall be 100m x 100m x 2m. During the construction of the dam, River Olkejuado will be temporarily blocked up stream and water diverted until the dam construction is completed. ?Intake Chamber The intake will be constructed and an allowance velocity of 0. 45m/s will be provided that will direct water to the pumping station. ?Spill Way
The spill way will allow water to overflow in case the dam fills up excessively. ?Embankment An embankment will also be constructed to safeguard the walls of the dam from failing. Reinforced Cement Concrete retaining wall works will be done as an embankment to safeguard and strengthen the dam walls. ?Pump House A pump house shall be constructed to provide for a stand by generator to cater for 50% of the maximum pumping capacity and incase of power failure. It should also be noted that a generator can work for a maximum of 16 hours a day, therefore that should be considered in case of a total power failure in case of electrical faults. . 1. 2Water Treatment Works The assumption is, the water being harvested contains 50 – 50, 000 coli form count, a figure that requires water to undergo full treatment before consumption. ?Coagulation Tank This is the first tank, where water is chemically coagulated by adding alum and soda ash. The tank contains flocculation chambers. The water passes through baffles so that it can mix up well with the chemicals. ?Sedimentation Tank The sedimentation process will be aided by addition of alum in the coagulation tank. The baffles help the formation and in turn settle finer particles such as silt and colloids.
The sedimentation tanks designed as upward hydraulic velocity and downward settling velocity enable sludge concentration. The design flow rate is proposed at 222m3/hr and the surface loading rate velocity is proposed at 1. 5m3/m2/hr. The allowed detention time is 3 – 4 hours. ?Rapid Sand Filter The proposed rapid gravity filters are back washed with air and water. The design flow rate is recommended at 222m3/hr and a filtration rate of 5m3/m2/hr. The storage time is about 10 – 20 minutes. ?Disinfection Tank pH correction will be done by adding soda ash.
It could be due to dissolved carbon dioxide (CO2) or excess amount of alum was added into the water during the coagulation process. Disinfection of the water will be necessary to lower health risk and infection with water borne diseases. In that case, Calcium Hypochlorite will be added to the water as per the calculated quantity depending on the volume. ? Reinforced concrete storage tank After water has been successfully disinfected, it will be pumped to the storage tank and allowed for chemical reaction for about 30 minutes before it is pumped to the elevated water tank ready for distribution. . 1. 3Elevated Steel Tank The elevated water tank is dependent on the highest level in the region. This also allows for water flow by gravity therefore, there will savings of electricity and fuel cost that might have been used for pumping water. 2. 1. 4 Water Transmission ?Transmission Main Galvanized iron (GI) pipes of 250mm diameter are preferred since they withstand high water pressures. The pipe velocity is set at 2. 0 m/s and set at a depth n. e. 1000mm deep below the ground level. Reflux valves are allowed at a distance of 3-4 km spacing to ease repair and maintenance. ?Distribution Main
The minimum diameter of pipes recommended is 100mm diameter. uPVC pipes shall be used and the maximum 60m and minimum pressure of 10m. The pipe velocity is set at 06 – 1. 0 m/s, and service valves are set every 1km for ease of inspection, repair and maintenance. 2. 1. 5Metering Meters are installed in all 2000 houses or users to monitor water consumption. This will also helps in billing as per the actual amount of water consumed. The Meters will assist in curbing vandalism of water. 3. 1Project Management Process Project management is the process of initiating, planning, executing, controlling and closing a project.
The project goal is the desired outcome it should be short and simple yet clearly communicate scope, time frame and budget. To achieve the goal of supplying water to 2000 users in Kajiado county, the management process outlined above will be adhered to. 3. 1. 1 Initiating It involves recognizing that a project should begin and committing to do it. Feasibility concerning technical, financial, operational, legal, environmental and social aspects of the project shall be carried out. Using MS Project 2010 the project start and finish date were identified. Legal issues such as NEMA and WARMA licensing were identified and dealt with accordingly.
Approval of the project by the County council was also sought. The start date was 1st January 2013 while the expected completion date is 4th October 2013. The budget for the project was also drawn; it is envisaged that the project will cost Ksh. 179,445,100 (USD 2,000,000) This is shown in annexure 1 of this paper. 3. 1. 2Planning Initially, the project scope was defined and the appropriate methods for completing the project were determined. Following this step, the durations for the various tasks necessary to complete the work were listed and grouped into a work breakdown structure; this is attached in annexure 2.
The logical dependencies between tasks were defined using an activity network diagram as shown in annexture 3 that enables identification of the critical path. Float or slack time in the schedule can be calculated. Then the necessary resources were estimated and costs for each activity allocated to each resource, giving the total project cost. At this stage, the project schedule was optimized to achieve the appropriate balance between resource usage and project duration to comply with the project objectives. Once established and agreed, the project schedule became the baseline schedule.
Progress will be measured against the baseline schedule throughout the life of the project. Planning Involves devising a workable scheme of a schedule of tasks and resources. In the planning process, the project activities were identified and entered in the Gantt Chart. Timelines for the activities were drawn and subdivisions identified, milestones were also noted. Restrictions and relationships of predecessor and successor activities were also considered. Resources were then assigned to the tasks identified. The Gantt chart is shown in annexure 4 of this paper. ?Assumptions
When planning for this project, a few assumptions were made. They include the following: i. Land for the development of the dam and excavation of trenches for pipes’ distribution is already procured by the Olkejuado County Council. ii. River Olkejuado is a temporary river and the dam is being excavated during the dry season. The river does not, therefor, need diversion but, only blocking. iii. The electrical work cater for all the structures iv. Each tank will have a booster pump. v. All hired machines and equipment comes fully with operators vi. The shilling is exchanging at the dollar rate of 90 Ksh. ii. The dollar sign in the budget represents Kenya Shillings. 3. 1. 3Executing This phase will involve carrying out the scheduled plan while coordinating the people and resources to achieve the project goal. It will also involve reporting on a monthly and quarterly basis as stated in the ToR. Reporting will involve progress, resource usage, achieved milestones and challenges encountered if any. Milestones and Critical Path are shown in annexure 5. Creating project records and presentations will also be done at this stage. Adherence to the drawn out plan will be key to achieve the desired results. henever necessary, changes will be requested and improvements recommended. 3. 1. 4Controlling It ensures that the project remains within the objectives, tracking performance and taking necessary corrective measures. During this phase, achieved progress is compared to the scheduled progress and any slippage is noted. Tracking for activities especially at the preliminary stage of the project has been assumed. The tracking Gantt Chart has been observed to give progress in percentage. Corrective measure suggested in case of slippage is crashing of the project activities.
Crashing will involve identifying activities with float and slack times and interrogating the resource allocation and dependencies therein. (24 hour days in shifts) Though it may imply increase in project cost, it may be the only way to ensure timely finishing of the project. Ensuring timely procurement of materials and hiring of equipment whenever required is also key in controlling the project. Effects of weather changes will also need to be taken into consideration. 3. 1. 5Closing It involves formalizing the acceptance of the project and bringing it to an orderly end.
Users are trained and handover of the project is conducted together with necessary documentation which aid in support and maintenance in future. The project audit and commissioning has been scheduled for the last month of the project duration as indicated on the Gantt chart shown in annexure 4. This being a turnkey project, cut-off handover is proposed. List of References www. imestopedia. com/terms/r/risk. asp en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Risk breakdown – freecover. blogpost. com www. mastery-project-management. com/project closure,html Uher, T. (2003) Programming and Scheduling Techniques, UNSW Press, Sydney

Water Supply Project Brief

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Water

Mineral and Water Function

Mineral and Water Function.
There are over 20 minerals you need to maintain a healthy diet. Some you may only need in small quantities, but major minerals require higher amounts such as sodium, potassium, chloride, calcium, phosphorus, magnesium, and sulfur (Grosvenor & Smolin, 2006, Chapter 9). Minerals have many functions and are essential to the body structure and the regulatory process that maintain life. We consume minerals from animals and plants. The iron content of meat is predictable because the iron is part of a protein in muscle that gives the meat its red color. In other foods, minerals are present as contaminants; where a food is grown and how it is processed can affect its mineral content. ” (Grosvenor & Smolin, 2006, Chapter 9). Major sources of minerals are milk, eggs, meats, peas, fruits, cereals, whole grains, fish, and poultry.
Water has numerous functions it performs in the body some of which include: moistening tissues, lubricating joints, regulating body temperature, protecting organs and tissues, helping prevent constipation, helping dissolve minerals and other nutrients to make them accessible to the human body, lessening the burden on the kidneys and liver by flushing out waste products, and carrying nutrients and oxygen to cells (“Mayo Clinic”, 2013). The depletion of water, dehydration, will have more rapid symptoms than any other nutrient deficiency in your body (Grosvenor & Smolin, Chapter 9, 2006).
Body weight is about 60% water for the average adult. Water bathes the cells of the body and lubricates and cleanses internal and external body surfaces. “Watery tears lubricate the eyes and wash away dirt, synovial fluid lubricates the joints, and saliva lubricates the mouth, making it easier to chew and swallow food. Water resists compression so it cushions body compartments such as the joints and eyeballs against shock. The cushioning effect of water in the amniotic sac protects the fetus as it grows inside a pregnant woman. (Grosvenor & Smolin, 2006, Chapter 9). Water is an excellent solvent; glucose, amino acids, minerals, and many other substances needed by body cells dissolve in water. The chemical reactions of metabolism that support life take place in water. (Grosvenor & Smolin, 2006, Chapter 9). The general effects of dehydration are fatigue, muscle weakness, poor concentration, headaches, dizziness or lightheadedness, and decreased metabolism (“Functional Fitness Facts”, 2013).

Mild to moderate dehydration can be treated easily and generally doesn’t cause permanent damage with preventable intake of water consumption. The consumption of water and minerals has great effects on everyday body functions. I have learn how cereal can be extremely beneficial for receiving nutrients we don’t normally get, especially me with my diet. If I implement cereal I will receive a lot of important nutrients. Secondly the many functions of water are important to our everyday expenditures. Sneezing, coughing, crying and cannot be done without water.

Mineral and Water Function

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Approximately 250 words

Total price (USD) $: 10.99